Opinion
Page 4 University Daily Kansan, October 26, 1981
Troubles of a host
Ideally, a university is a place for ex- changing ideas and sharing cultures.
As a large public institution with a sizable foreign student population, KU has more potential to fulfill that ideal than do smaller, more restricted schools. Interacting with the foreign students on campus is, in a way, like getting small slices of other ways of life.
But along with their own languages, customs and world views, foreign students also bring some of the political conflicts of their native countries. It is the intense factionalism among these students that American administrators are not prepared to deal with.
In the past year alone, KU has witnessed clashes within several foreign student groups: Libyans, Iranians, Taiwanese. In each case, one part of a group expressed fear of another part, and Strong Hall has
been faced with the question of how, or if, it can protect foreign students from themselves.
University administrators are caught on the outside looking in. They cannot readily understand the complex political history of a far-off country, nor the intense feelings that accompany varying beliefs. Moreover, they have no way of knowing which of two or three opposing groups they should listen to. Perhaps one is telling the truth; perhaps all speak partial truths; perhaps there is no real truth, only strong opinions.
Unfortunately, there are no easy solutions in such cases. The best the University can do is be calm, be cautious and be fair to all parties involved. That is all any host can do when his dinner guests insist on fighting among themselves.
'Nixon memorial sofa'a place for old protester to rest head
By ANDREW D. GILMAN New York Times Special Feature
NEW YORK—Richard M. Nixon bought me a couch, to speak.
And through me, you might say, he also contributed money to the American Civil Liberties Union and to other organizations that are staunch supporters of the First Amendment.
Nixon didn't really send me his personal check drawn on his New Jersey bank. Nor did he designate a former member of the Oval Office palace guard to deliver the funds. The $1,100 check actually came from the government of the District of Columbia.
But I know it was from the former president. It was my part of the settlement from lawsuits filed against the government following the sweep of arrests on May 3, 1971, during the May Week protests against the Vietnam War. Other people arrested in this year were also recently settled. However, court rulings prevented the more than 8,000 people arrested from being included in a class action.
The actual names of the lawsuits involving me were McCarthy et al vs. Kleindienst, and Adelman et al vs. Kleindienst, and And even though I am not on the list, I was on the signed, I don't think the others whom I am now pledged not to sue, including the former Attorney General John Mitchell and Richard Kleindienst, and Jerry Wilson of the District of California, who has no than und orders from the commander in chief.
Like the many tens of thousands who traveled to Washington during the first week in May 1971, I shared with my friends and colleagues from Philadelphia the same goal—to end the Vietnam War. Demonstrations in Washington and in other cities were commonplace, and plans now turned toward civil disobedience.
It was conceived that if protesters blocked roads leading into Washington on May 3, government employees would not be able to get their jobs and the war machine would stop for them. That was what it was: the government that was the target. So several of us wanted to bridge the gap between
protesters and the citizenry, and decided to pass out doughnuts and leaflets motorists stalled in the street.
We never got to participate in the protest. The district and other capital police forces rounded up people before they could act—not just by shouting, screaming, raiding officers, secretaries on their way to work, tourists.
My group was dispersed by motor-scooter policemen, and about an hour later I was arrested with several other persons as we walked on the sidewalk behind the White House. We were being told by the pence or shouting toward the Oval Office. We were merely walking along the street.
I can still recall the scene at a local precinct late that night as we were processed for release. We had been transported in a converted moving truck and they were going to the street under an archway formed by the riffles and unshaded bayonets of two rows of National Guardmen. I also remember the police guard in the station house who smiled so sweetly, the gold inlal star in his front tool flashing in the night
By now, the cases have demonstrated that the arrest of citizens on the mere suspicion that they are up to no good is a violation of the Bill of Rights. And I applaud the ACLU and other organizations that have established the principle that citizens should be given due for dollar damages, not just with injunctions and legal opinions—for illegal actions that deny the guaranteed right of freedom of speech.
But at this point I'd rather thank Richard M. Nixon for the foolishness of his own government. Fortunately, I was not physically harmed by a police officer, and I've run over by police scotches and others beaten.
I guess if I were fully adapted to the realities of the 1980s, I would follow the advice of our current president and save this money. But I'd rather contribute to groups that are fighting many of this president's policies. And I'd prefer to spend, to consume, so when my old protester friends come to visit, they can have a bed—on the Richard M. Nichson memorial sofa bed.
(Andrew D. Gilman is a journalist and an attorney.)
Golden arches mark source of charity
WASHINGTON—One of the greatest panics caused by the Oct. 1 budgetary "Happy New Year" has come from charities beeing corporations for a crumb of philanthropy.
Indeed, while the Reagan Administration has shown extreme faith and hope in the private sector, nonprofit organizations have found little charity. No clearer example of this can be seen than in the almost floppant attitude of one lobbist for a major oil company.
"People who think that private corporations are going to pick up the slack in charity funding are hopeless dreamers," said this lobbist. "But beyond that, their hopes are a lot of malarkery. Some of these groups left out in the cold, but let's face it, there are too many charities anyway."
Now there are some encouraging words from a steward of our social future. But it seems that not all is lost for those charities standing on thin ice.
Caldwell, a pankhander, sided up to me the other day of the K S McDonald's and that did not bother me.
"Guess what I've discovered?" he asked,
"to think that it was on the tip of my tongue
at you."
When I recovered from the force of his muscate-latelain breath, I replied, "A bottle of wine."
"I guess that means you don't plan to be left out in the cold."
"Naw, I'm serious buddy. I've found a way to beat this Reagan budget racket."
"Well," I said, "even some of the big charities
"Well, at least not financially. You see, my welfare is about gone and I'm not old enough for Social Security and there ain't a lot of capital on me. So I'm going to private that private sector charity."
can't get any money. There's a $47 billion charity
money you. How do you get it to get money?
Caldwell didn't answer; he was hacking too hard. But he did manage to map the McCarthy.
brittany resplendent
"It's in his
world," the McDonald's, "Caldwell
blurted. 'Xmryernt' by the McDonald's."
"Oh, keep your voice down," I whispered.
BRAD
STERTZ
"Let me explain. You see, I go into Mc-Donald's, buy something and get one of those game cards. I play their game and they play mine."
"Oh, I get it. McDonald's gives away money or trips or food and that’s considered a private-sector charity."
"Right. The reason why nobody thinks the private sector cares enough for charity is because they don't look deep enough. This is an example of a typical oversight. You see, McDonald's is giving away $15 million and, lucky me, I've already won three orders of fries."
"Sure beats the school lunches, doesn't it?" I said.
"You bet. I don't like ketchup anyway. I always ask them here to scrape it off my hand."
"Well, I can understand doing this for the money, and I can justify the food, but what do you do if you win a dream vacation?"
"I take it of course. The food is free on those
courses," she said, not wanting to see Gaugu� Lou-
say and the Virgin Island Islanders.
"I guess all it takes is a little determination."
"That's right. I really don't see why everybody is gripping about the government getting out of the charity business. It seems that all some people or some organizations want is money forked over to them on a silver platter. All I ask for is a paper sack."
"Do you think bigger charity organizations will try to follow your example?" I ventured.
"I don't suppose they will. A lot of them would kind of look down on this as beneath them. But I've always said that if you got hungry enough . . ."
"It's really quite simple, isn't it?" I asked. "All these haughty charities have to do is swallow their pride, turn over a few stones andivate-sector funding starting them in the face."
"Yes, and it's all over," Caldwell said after finishing the Coke he had just won. "I know of some charity-type people like me who have turned to the game shows. Now, if the bigger groups like the American Post-Nasal Drip Foundation would put their staffs on the game shows and in McDonald's, then they would be all set."
Right,
"Why?"
"That would seem the logical thing to do."
"I'm off to Burger King." Caldwell shotten from across the restaurant. "They've got that 21" contest—maybe I'll win some onion rings . . .
Letters to the Editor
Arbitrary line drawn between 'Chinese' and 'Taiwanese'
To the Editor:
In response to the story "American nun recounts troubled lives of oppressed, imprisoned Taiwanese" (Oct. 14 Kanans), we want to make a call for compassion and understanding in Free China that by Sister N. Thawne.
Uniquelyvocally speaking, Taiwanese are Chinese. They have immigrated onto the island of Taiwan (Formosa) since some three hundred years ago, mainly from the province of Fuchien in the southern part of China. The Taiwanese people are actually the descendants of the Hakka and later ones who came to Taiwan in 1949 when Communists were overrunning the Mainland.
Apparently, they have been tied together for decades without distinction. But Sister Tierney arbitrarily drew a line between them, and maintained the earlier immigrants as "the Taiwanese."
A miss is as good as a mile. She jumped to the conclusion that the Kuomintang is the ruling party composed exclusively of Mainlanders and is therefore ideologically opposed to the Taiwanese, a matter of fact. Ice President Lee Hsien-lung, a matter of fact, Vice President Taiwan are Taiwanese (the earlier immigrants).
The TIM has created problems at home and abroad. On Dec 10, 1979, the Kaohsung case occurred, in which many military police on duty were wounded by the Taiwanese extremists.
Further, according to "Organized Crime in California, 1800," Taiwanese extremists seek the removal of the Nationalist Chinese government in Southern California five bombing incidents in Southern California.
The so-called "identity" of the Taiwanese never became a problem until the formation of the Taiwan Independence Movement, whose leaders themselves only take Taiwanese, not Chinese.
Ignoring all these sorts of violence, Sister Tierney treated those who were put into prison as the oppressed, leaving behind the law imprinted on their minds. This is far from our belief in a stable society.
Like many others, Sister Terney echoed,
"Many Taiwanese think the Kuomintang killed (Carniege-Mellon University professor) Wenchen to set an example." This one-sided evidence has evidence made Free China a scapegoat.
The first one is the Taiwan Garrison General Headquarters, which interrogated Wen-chen. but professor Wei-Hsiang Teng has confirmed that the security officers in the interrogation. That suspicion does not hold up.
Closer to objectivity are observations made in the World News by Ch-Yo Hsu, a Pittsburgh University professor who took a second look at four suspects.
The second one is the 'radical' in favor of the government. Possible as it could, the killing of Wen-chen, if put in a weight scale, would do nothing good for the government.
The third one is the Taiwanese extremist whom Wen-chen contacted on his way to TGGH. Wen-chen was killed probably because of the disastrous collapse of a much disclosure — a label in a societal group.
The fourth one is the terrorist communist hidden in Taiwan. If this suspicion is plausible, it should be based upon the premise that the communist stood to win there.
The last word for Sister Tierney: God hates "a false witness that speaketh lies, and he that sowth discord among brethren." (Proverbs 6:19)
Hsieh, Kuang-Fu
Yang, T. S.
Sung, Sheng-Sheng
Graduate students from Taiwan
Source clarifies quote
Hsu recommended that we pass no judgment on this case while the murderer is still at large.
To the Editor:
I was quoted as saying, "If someone came up to me and said, 'Gee, do you know if someone has ever seen a dog?'".
The purpose of this letter is to clarify a sentence in the course "KU 'Taiwan want FBI to investigate peace."
doing at KU? I would certainly make those details available if I knew them."
The fact was that I mentioned the situation was hypothetical, but if I was asked about someone's general political incinations, I would not answer. But if I were asked information. However, I would not tell the details because I probably wouldn't know them. It irritates me because the quoted statement might imply that I would always tell the details if I knew what I said and was certainly not what I meant.
I have been with the University for more than 10 years and have always been close to the Chinese students on campus. Although the story seemed to have fascinating details about so-called spying activities, I have never heard of them and I remain strongly of the belief that there are no spies and informants among the Chinese students from Taiwan.
Professor of civil engineering
Joe Lee
Teaching important?
To the Editor:
The front page campus stories in the Oct. 13 Kansan were: "AKS fighting for life," "Athletic department to select new ticket manager," and "Hall application changes proposed," all lengthy byline features, all subjects of burning interest to the student body.
Back on page seven there was a perfunctory little story about Eldon Fields, professor of political science, winning the $5,000 Chancellor's Club Career Teaching Award.
The reason for this shabby treatment of KU's Nobel Prize for teaching is not only that the Kanas customarily regards academic matters as unnewsworthy. The ho-hum story merely reflected the ho-hum handling of the award by the University administration.
The September Kansas Alumni carried a quarter-page ad announcing the award and inviting nominations from alums, staff, faculty and students. Then there were hasty, last-minute
announcements to faculty and staff from the Executive Vice Chancellor's office and in The
The deadline for nominations was then advanced from Oct. 30 to Nov. 7—three days before the presentation of the award! Students, of course, will be notified that there was no advance publicity worth mentioning.
Why all this mismanagement? My own view is that the teaching awards (and I’ve received my share) are lip-service to teaching—or tokenism, to use a more modern metaphor. If people cared as much about teaching as they do about, say, the Ellsworth medals awarded to distinguished publicity (identity of publicity), the new teaching award would have received the attention it deserved.
But does no one care? I am optimistic enough to say that there are those who care more about the quality of teaching than they do about ASK or teaching in the context of other applications. This eccentric and little known group is called "The Students"—that great unwashed, inarticulate, miscellaneous, unorganizable, unrepresented anonymous, nondescript mass students—in a function at the University is the payment of fees.
Blacks, women, the handicapped, criminals and consumers have all demanded their rights; I
Dennis B. Quinn
Professor of English
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