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University Daily Kansan Thursday, March 31, 1960
The Nixon Story
A young woman stopped us in Summerfield Hall the other day to question our policy in writing political editorials.
"Why do you always have to toss in those sneaky remarks about Nixon in your editorials?" she asked.
Well, it's really very simple. We don't think the honorable Vice President is the man for the top job. In fact, we abhor the thought of Mr. Nixon in the presidency.
WE HAVE MANY REASONS. We'll start with these:
1. Nixon has been unscrupulous in his scratching and clawing toward the top of the heap.
2. He has shown no ability as a political leader and party manager.
3. He has made a habit of going off halfcocked with irresponsible statements.
4. He has shown no long-range program or consistent policy other than a commitment to his own ambitions.
5. He has not shown the moral leadership or integrity which our president must have.
6. His record in public office is empty. He has done nothing and he has no real executive experience.
THE ACCEPTANCE of Nixon as the favorite in the presidential race is the result of a negative appraisal. He has done nothing really bad, so he will do for the job — this seems to be the pro-Nixon sentiment. It matters not that he has done nothing really good, either. He has been hanging around during the Eisenhower era, and this supposedly has prepared him for the presidency.
Nixon has an alert, quick mind, but he is neither brilliant nor talented. He uses aggressive, "rocking, socking" techniques and his cheap debating tricks to perpetrate the glorification of Nixon. He has no principles, ideals or policies to fight for.
Perhaps there is a new Nixon. But we have seen nothing to indicate an improvement over the old one.
IN 1956 NIXON decided it was time to woo the powerful eastern business interests of the
Republican Party. The new Nixon appeared, forsaking the hatchet and thriving on make-believe liberalism in noncommital, cliche-ridden speeches.
It was a change from the Nixon of 1946, who low-punched his way to a House seat with a victory over incumbent Jerry Voorhis; a change from the Nixon of 1950, who again cried "Red" in campaigning successfully for a Senate seat against Mrs. Helen Gahagan Douglas; a change from the Nixon of 1952, who wept over his unfortunate stupidity in handling his secret fund put up by California businessmen; and a change from the Nixon of 1954, who exploited the public atmosphere of McCarthyism.
Nixon was an ambitious, but shallow and pliant, young politician when Murray Chotiner started building him up. Chotiner's philosophy is that people often vote against something rather than for something. Nixon faithfully follows this line, never bothering to defend, but rather twisting the attack back toward the accuser.
He has a Congressional voting record of a conservative. He has been against public power, against social welfare legislation, against public housing, against federal aid to education and in favor of the various giveaways to big business. His foreign policy voting record is a jumble of inconsistencies.
HE HAS LEARNED his lessons well. He has an advertising man's approach to his work. He sells policies, and if need be, a different one each day. He can deplore the sad state of U.S. education and then go back to the Senate a few days later and cast a tie-breaking vote against federal aid to education.
Now he is trying to buck the Republican conservative wing in playing the part of a pseudoliberal. His roles depend on what Nixon is trying to do for the good of Nixon.
He somehow has kept secret his true political philosophy. How can it be that he has no convictions one way or another on the many vital questions of today?
Nixon lacks moral courage, leadership ability. sound judgment, strong convictions and integrity.
Jack Harrison
Editor:
Three Cheers
Three cheers for Miss Lemon, who stated in two lines what Miss Hoover could not refute in a column and a half.
Miss Hoover's method of attack so well suited a daughter of the state of Kansas (circa 1915) and an alert, broad-thinking member of KU (Ostrich Club), that her cheap use of the personal invective toward one obviously brighter is only superceded by her ignorance of the situation.
"White socks" is not the matter at all. I take issue with Miss Hoover's use of the "Limey-go-home" technique.
If you want to keep your head in the sand, as a good KU sorority girl should, that's all right, but for goodness sakes don't write it in the Kansan for everyone to know. You defeat your purpose when you publicly state that you cannot accept criticism from anyone outside your social sphere. Kansas isolationism is a growing insidious thing, but you need not be so blatant about it. "Well, you see, this is just a little way of doing things that we have developed here. It really isn't terribly important but it suits us."
I might remind Miss Hoover that two can play the same game if need be; . . . coming from Wichita you really are an outsider to the Lawrence community. . . I mean . . . well . . . (innuendo) . . . I mean . . . you just don't understand us here . . . etc.
Donald Kissil
Bronx, New York, graduate student
Editor:
Dockingism
Thursday night, March 17, many of us showed our affection and reverence for a truly great man. But not only did we show reverence for Dr. Murphy, we demonstrated
our belief in the principles which he represents—emphasis on higher education in our contemporary world, the expansion of facilities for higher education so that the students of today and tomorrow will never be refused the opportunity to expand their knowledge, and an atmosphere where knowledge from books and from our fellow man can ever be obtained.
We support these principles, and by doing so, we are opposing those of our honorable governor, who firmly believes in the old philosophy of money above all else.
Every day top psychiatrists, fine professors and outstanding men in every field leave our state because of George Docking and his tight-fisted policies. Scrooge was bad, but Docking is worse.
We here at the University now feel, even more acutely than ever before, the sharp sting of what Docking and his kind can do. But what are we going to do about it? Are we going to sit here and do nothing? Shouting "Down with Docking" is fine, but how can he be brought down?
Dailu Hansan
University of Kansas student newspaper
Member Inland Daily Press Association. Associated Collegiate Press. Represented by National Advertising Service, 18 East 50th St., New York 22, N.Y. News service: United Press International. Mail subscription rates: $3 a semester or $5 a year. Published in Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon during the university year except Saturdays and Sundays, University holidays, and examination periods. Entered as second-class matter Sept. 17, 1910, at Lawrence, Kan., post office under act of March 3, 1879.
Founded 1889, became biweekly 1904, triweekly 1908, daily Jan. 16, 1912.
Telephone Viking 3-2700
Extension 711, news room
Extension 276, business office
NEWS DEPARTMENT
Those who have not felt the cutting blade of Dockingism will never know of it, if we who have felt it keep quiet.
Jack Morton ... Managing Editor
EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT
Douglas Yocom and Jack Harrison ... Co-Editorial Editors
RUSINESS DEPARTMENT
Bruce Lewellyn Business Manager
We must fight Dockingism in its hotbeds - the conservative west, industrial Wichita and the rural communities in every corner of the state.
Silence certainly is golden in this case - gold for George's coffers, and greater losses for our state.
By Neal McCoy Cedar Vale sophomore
Algeria
(This is the last of three articles on the issues to be discussed at the Model U.N. Friday and Saturday. It was written as an assignment in the International Politics class.)
Dockingism must be exposed for what it is — the contrivance of an apparently sincere, money hungry, tight-fisted, old banker with a billfold where a heart should be.
Elmo Clark
Jo Clark
Topake freshman
J. Bruce Dunn Jr.
Mission freshman
In 1945, rioting broke out in Algeria between the French and the Algerians which forced France to re-evaluate her colonial relations with Algeria. France thereupon sought to satisfy nationalistic demands by the creation of a half European-half Moslem Algerian Assembly, and also sought to bind Algeria closer to France by extending citizenship to all Algerians and by providing for Algerian representation in the French National Assembly.
THE ABOVE SITUATION, however, was hardly satisfactory to the Algerian Nationalists, since it, in effect, perpetuated an economic and social system based upon inequality. In the Algerian Assembly, 1,025,000 Europeans are represented equally with 8,850,000 Algerians. Further, Europeans held all of the top governmental positions, controlled $90\%$ of all wealth, and owned most of the best land in the country. Moslems have been discriminated against in employment, education, and racial benefits. Nationalistic fervor coupled with the desire to destroy these inequalities led several independence-oriented groups to unite as the National Liberation Front (FLN) which was behind the struggle that broke out on November 1, 1954, and which has since led the struggle for a free Algeria. The ensuing war has cost France approximately one billion dollars a year and a decided loss of world prestige.[1]
Until recently, France has insisted that Algeria is an indivisible part of France and has sought to crush the insurrection. However, on September 16, 1953, General de Gaulle offered the first real chance of a settlement by proposing that the future status of Algeria be decided on the basis of self-determination. Certain conditions having been met, the Algerian people, in a fair election, would be offered three choices for their future: (1.) Complete independence, (2.) Union with France, (3.) Self-government within the French Overseas Community.
THEREE SETS of pro and con arguments are most commonly propounded on the question of independence for Algeria;
1. Against independence — The taking up of arms by a group of malcontents does not enable the Algerians to constitute themselves a sovereign political entity.
For independence — The Algeri-
ans consider that their identity as a nation has been established in a number of ways: in history, previous to the colonial period; through the efforts of the people as a whole and the blood they have shed; by the military efforts of the Algerian guerilla army and the political energy of the FLN; and the recognition by 17 countries of the provisional government established in September 1555.
art rep of
For independence — The conditions that exist in most underdeveloped countries do not exist in Algeria. Algeria has been so closely tied to the French that many French ideals and institutions are accepted unquestionably.
2. Against independence — If Algeria were granted independence today the result would almost surely be the establishment of some type of autocratic or dictatorial government. An underdeveloped nation such as Algeria whose citizens have practically no experience in the administration of a government and whose economy is dependent upon France has little chance of instituting a democratic form of government and making it work.
3. Against independence — Independence would almost surely mean economic ruin for Algeria, 90% of the capital in the country is controlled by Europeans. Foreign investment would stop and as much capital as possible would be withdrawn from the country. Further, Algeria, to substantially raise its standard of living and achieve universal education, will require an expenditure of 400 billion francs a year.
For independence — First of all, there is no example in recent history where a vibrant nationalism has been impeded by like questions of economic exploitation, nor, conversely, where the new nationalisms have not finally seen the advantage of mutually profitable arrangements. Furthermore, an end to the war would be economically beneficial to both countries.
Short Ones
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Print the Old Testament in a paper back, put on the cover an uncovered Eve, title it "Eve's Secret Desire and Other Selected Short Stories" and we would have another best seller. The key to success in the publishing racket seems to be excess.
We see that Governor Docking will try for a third term in the next gubernatorial election. There is one consolation. A party-and-a-half state is better than a one-party state. Lots of luck, George.
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS By Dick Bibler
HEY, COACH! WE'LL HAVE TO MOVE THIS EVENT LITTLE FIRMER GROUND."
TO A