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University Daily Kansan Wednesday. March 30,1960
Behind Closed Doors
Last Friday the Kansan published a story about a student motel party that is now being investigated by the disciplinary committee.
Dean of Men Donald K. Alderson said property damage was involved in the incident. The Kansan has been able to obtain only minute bits of information about the party or disciplinary action that is being taken because of it.
Once again we will reiterate our feelings on this policy. We feel all hearings should be open to the public. The only possible exception we can think of would be cases involving morals offenses.
We probably won't receive any more information either. All information on disciplinary procedure is limited to the confines of the disciplinary committee and either the dean of men's, dean of women's or dean of students' office. Any information we receive is seldom from these four sources. This is in accordance with the policy of the University: disciplinary information does not have to be released to the public.
The Kansan is not interested in building every disciplinary case into the story of the week. If this does happen, it is because we have finally scraped together enough information to print a story that would be a matter of public record in any other type of community. Most disciplinary stories printed are unusual and newsworthy, especially when strong disciplinary measures are taken. This becomes news and is treated as such.
We recognize the necessity of rehabilitation of students convicted of violation of University regulations. But this should not supersede the importance of punishing the guilty when punishment is due.
But how can anyone vouch for the fairness in handling these cases when the hearings are not open to the public? Any judge, including those well versed in law, can and does make mistakes in procedure. The public can play a major role in correcting these errors. Only where there is a freedom of information can the public serve as guardians of the rights of the accused.
One of our chief concerns with the present judiciary system is that there is no accurately defined jurisdiction. In practice, the deans delegate the jurisdiction or handle the case themselves.
The Student Court now handles only traffic cases. This body has the authority to render judgment on disciplinary questions. The disciplinary committee has original jurisdiction in cases not delegated to the student court. Since the student court does not use its jurisdiction, the function of the disciplinary committee as an appellate body is destroyed. The only appeal left is the chancellor, the most illogical person who could be designated as a final appeal.
The chancellor has enough administrative problems in his capacity as the chief executive of the University without becoming involved with judicial problems. Besides, many students probably have a psychological block in appealing their cases to the chancellor. And they should have. The chancellor should not be forced to deal with disciplinary problems.
We also believe the university regulations and their penalties should be codified as the social regulations are now. A student faced with disciplinary action should know the penalties for the offense he has committed. We realize it is not possible to codify every possible offense that students might commit. But reasonable effort could be made to categorize types of offenses in order to furnish a guide for student conduct.
If a student does not want to bother the chancellor with his personal problems, or if the chancellor is not in town, this student has no appeal.
The University is in sad need of changes in its judiciary system. We are overjoyed to see both Vox Populi and those composing the write-in campaign for All Student Council seats adding planks to their platform which show dissatisfaction with the present system. We are looking forward to accompanying action soon.
— Doug Yocom
Danger on the Doorstep
(This series of articles by Harry Schwartz is being reprinted from the March 14 issue of The New Leader.)
EVEN THE ASPECT of Cuban-American relations which might seem most obviously favorable to Cuba—that country's large share of our sugar market and its ability to receive a price well above the world sugar price is used as a stick with which to beat us. Why should the United States Congress arrogate to itself the right unilaterally to decide how much Cuban sugar should be sold here? Cubans ask. Shouldn't such a serious matter be the subject of negotiations and a bilateral treaty?
Of all these specific complaints, there can be no doubt that the most serious concerns the flights of hostile planes over Cuban territory. Most Cubans find it incredible that the United States cannot prevent planes leaving from American airports to attack Cuba. "What do you suppose would happen to us if planes took off from our airports to drop bombs on Florida?" I was asked time and again in Havana. The fact that until mid-February our State Department refused to
Dailu Hansan
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NEWS DEPARTMENT
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Douglas Yocom and
Jack Harrison ... Co-Editorial Editors
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grant that any hostile planes were coming from American airports increased resentment, of course, and also strengthened the conviction of those Cubans who believe the planes were actually sent by the American Government as the advance guards for an attempt to "Guatamalaize" Cuba.
OBVIOUSLY, THERE IS much that is unfair, inaccurate, unjust and simply paranoid in this Cuban indictment. But it would seem difficult—better, impossible—to dismiss the indictment as totally unfounded. The State Department last month acted with commendable wisdom and dispatch in apologizing when the Cuban Government was able to prove that a plane had flown over Cuba—exploding in mid-air before an explosive bomb it carried could be dropped on Cuban workers—after taking off from a Florida airport. But right or wrong, this view of Cuban-American relations is in the minds of Cuba's present rulers and in the minds of many—perhaps a majority—of Cubans.
Let us look now at the American bill of complaints against Cuba.
THE MOST SERIOUS complaint is harbored by those who own land or other property in Cuba, or operate businesses there. Few if any American businessmen doing business in or with Cuba have failed to be adversely affected by the Castro regime's actions. Large landowners have been worst hit, since the bulk of their landholdings have been or will be appropriated. The compensation offered, 20-year bonds, promises now to be based on very low valuations, more akin to token payments than anything else. And those affected can hardly be blamed if they are skeptical that 20-year bonds issued by the Castro Government will really be redeemable in 1980. Even where property has not been seized, it has been under Government direction, as in the case of the Cuban Telephone Company; or it is being badly hit by Government regulations, such as those which prevent the American-owned Hotel
nacional from reducing its staff in proportion to the reduction in numbers of paying guests.
Second, there is the problem faced by American businessmen and business firms who are now owed something over $100 million for goods sent to Cuba or for dividends and interest whose remittance in dollars has not been authorized. The Cuban Government's foreign exchanges reserves on December 31 were less than half its debts to American businessmen alone, and the situation has probably worsened since. One can imagine the bitter Cuban protest if some large American firms were to suspend shipments of essential goods and services to Cuba until outstanding debts were met.
THIRD, THERE ARE the ominous implications of the anti-American propaganda which dominates Cuban newspapers under the control of the Castro regime. Reading "Revolution," for example, one gathers this country can do nothing good, while the Cuban news service, Prensa Latina, spreads anti-American material wherever it can through Latin America. Whatever allowance one is willing to make for long-pent nationalist passions, it is still difficult to understand why so much of the Cuban press should have been willing to praise Russia for buying one million tons of sugar a year for about three cents a pound—paying mainly in goods rather than freely convertible currency—while the United States is denounced for buying three million tons of sugar a year at five cents a pound.
Finally, and most ominous, there can be little question that directly and indirectly Cuba is now giving support and encouragement to many anti-American forces in Latin-America. On such touchy issues as the Panama Canal, American oil investment in Argentina and the like, it seems to be the intent of the present Cuban regime to help sour as much trouble for the U.S. and its economic interests as possible.
Nuclear Testing
(This is the second of three articles on the issues to be discussed at the Model U.N. Friday and Saturday. It was written as an assignment in the International Politics class.)
(Continued tomorrow)
By Con Poirier Topeka sophomore
Last month a mushroom cloud rising above the sands of the African desert marked the entry of France into the Atomic Club.
This event focuses attention on a diplomatic quest that dates back to June 14, 1946, when Bernard M. Baruch presented the first plan designed to curtail nuclear weapons to the infant United Nations. At the current Geneva three-power conference, the arguments pro and con on nuclear testing are being heard anew.
DR. HARRISON BROWN reports that about fifteen nations will be in the business of manufacturing nuclear explosives within the next 25 years. In another 25 years, the number may double.
The prospect of seeing one nation after another achieve the means of manufacturing nuclear weapons is frightening. As each new nation attains nuclear capability, the chances for nuclear war are multiplied, and the difficulties of bringing about any agreement to ban testing of the weapons are increased.
Nuclear explosions send appreciable amounts of radioactive material into the upper atmosphere. During the time it is in the upper air the material may become widely distributed over the earth. Thus, fallout reaches all parts of the earth, though there may be local differences in amount.
Nuclear fallout affects humans either directly—through penetrating radiations from outside the body—or indirectly—by being carried to the body interior via the food we eat or the air we breathe.
SCIENTISTS ARE apprehensive about the danger to human beings. The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, for September, 1957, carried an appeal by 2,173 scientists calling for an international agreement to stop testing, and Dr. Linus Pauling has stated that 15,000 children are sacrificed for every large bomb tested that produces stratospheric radioactivity.
In the 1958 report of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Disarmament, it was proposed that any agreement to suspend nuclear tests should be regarded as but a first step toward the goal of more comprehensive measures for the control and reduction of armaments. Any gains in negotiations to curtail and control armaments can be interpreted as efforts to reduce international tension and diminish the threat of war.
The preceding points weigh
heavily in favor of a nuclear test ban. However, valid arguments oppose any such action.
A CESSATION of nuclear testing would hinder the ability of the West to deter Communist aggression.
The Western pledge of "instant massive retaliation" in case of aggression has become an exorbitant threat. It is becoming clear that the West will not be willing to risk global destruction to ward off localized aggression with nuclear blows—as witness Korea and India-China.
The prevailing stand of Great Britian and of the U.S. Department of Defence is that further refinement of atomic weapons is needed to supply small tactical field weapons which could be used to deter localized aggression. This requires additional testing.
THE WESTERN position on nuclear test bans being upheld at the current Geneva talks is that there can be no general ban on tests until more accurate detection devices can be developed.
The Soviet position is that all nuclear explosions should be banned. In addition, the Soviet Union claims that any observance of a treaty must depend in a large measure on mutual trust. The West is wary of this proposal.
A lack of trust leads to the fundamental dilemma of modern disarmament; control is demanded as a substitute for mutual trust. However, a high degree of mutual confidence is necessary before a control plan can be put into effect. Otherwise, an uncontrolled agreement may promote suspicions of violations which in turn could lead to an increase, instead of a decrease, in international tension.
Red China presents a third fundamental barrier to any test ban. The United States, among other nations, does not choose to recognize Red China diplomatically. We would consider it injurious to our foreign policy to do so. Yet, this Asian power cannot be overlooked, due to recent technological advances which mark it as a potential nuclear power. As a result, any agreement which would entail recognition of Red China would be a blow to U.S. prestige. Conversely, a plan not including Red China would be ineffectual, for the Chinese would be able to test at will.
Short Ones
Universities are just like small cities. They have their own stores, libraries, hospitals, restaurants, police force and juvenile delinquents. The delinquents are older than the delinquents in real cities, but they are protected by the same hush-hush system.
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS By Dick Bibler
"YOU'RE CHARGED WITH' FRUSTRATING' YOUR STUDENTS BY YOUR CONSTANT CLASSROOM REFERENCES TO 'THE DAY OF RECKONING' AFTER FOOTBALL SEASON."