Page 2
University Daily Kansan Monday. Nov. 21, 1960
A Paper Tiger?
Saturday's game was mute testimony of what spirit, determination and sheer guts can do. In one game, KU kicked Missouri off the Big Eight throne and sat down to watch the Tigers plummet down the rating scale after what was perhaps the biggest upset in college football this season.
And the Tigers were no powderpuffs. They roared through nine games unbeaten to finally perch atop the grid ratings, snarling defiance at all comers. Theirs was a star-studded team. No one could knock them off.
It seemed reasonable to think that if such a team was to be beaten, it would be by a whisker, with the winners mounting a last-ditch offensive while Lady Luck smiled on the sidelines.
But Saturday's game had no Horatio Alger in it. KU led all the way, and outfought and outgamed the Tigers every minute of every period. This was a great team effort.
If Jack Mitchell still feels any regrets over the Oklahoma same, we hope this victory, sweet
to everyone at KU, will wipe them away. His coaching was brilliant, and had the Tigers befuddled all afternoon.
The victory was more than just a prized win over an ancient foe, however. It was a tribute to the quality of athletics at KU. In spite of the NCAA, in spite of a man-killing schedule, in spite of the OU heartbreaker, the team had enough left to execute a shattering upset. In case anyone should think that Missouri was a paper Tiger, we remind them that it was our team that made them look that way.
The only thing that marred the festivities were the activities of some MU rooters, a bunch of rock-throwing, chip-on-the-shoulder soreheads and boobs. They lacked the spirit of their team, which was a fine one. Everyone here dreads going to Columbia; it's like going back to the Neanderthal period. We hope those who were responsible for the fights and thefts wise up.
Bill Blundell
Cuba Revolt
By John Peterson
Soon Fidel Castro's regime will have dominated Cuba for two years. These years have not been peaceful ones for the Cuban people as Castro promised. They have not brought about the improvements that Fidel said would follow his revolution.
The revolution, the 26th of July Movement, started, so Castro claims, back on July 21, 1953, when Castro and a score of men assaulted a Santiago munitions depot but were repulsed. Castro was captured and sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment. In 1955, Batista decreed a general amnesty and Castro was released. He immediately left the island for Mexico, where he began to train and equip a guerrilla force which he confidently believed would eventually rule Cuba. In December, 1956, he landed.
The revolution was an amazing feat. Castro started with 82 men. That force soon was reduced to 12 and faced a modern, powerful army of more than 27,000 men. The people were firmly under Batista's control. Yet Castro won, Why?
Survivors Few
In the few days after landing, his force was surrounded and decimated. Only Castro, his brother Raul, and 10 others survived. But even after this, Fidel was still cockily confident that he would overthrow Batista.
Why, after this dismal beginning, was Castro so successful? Why did the people meet him with open arms?
Batista had been in power too
long. His corrupt and selfish ways were common knowledge. He was a hated man in Cuba.
Enthusiasm for Fidel was evident in elements of the highest strata of Cuban society as well as in the peasant class. Castro early made a name for himself as a friend of the peasant and always worked to further that image. His power has always rested in his overwhelming popularity with the masses. He was the liberator who took from the rich and gave to the poor.
Asks National Effort
When Castro had been in Cuba for nearly a year he had a force of several hundred men. He was the de facto ruler of Oriente Province and had the support of nearly the entire population. His main problem was still arms and munitions. On several occasions Batista men uncovered arms caches which greatly hindered the progress of the revolution.
On March 12, 1958, Fidel Castro issued the "Manifesto for the 26th of July Movement to the People." The manifesto declared that the final stages of the revolution were at hand and that full scale war and national strikes soon would ensue in this last drive to oust Bastista.
This was another piece of strategy which entirely contradicted all concepts of guerrilla warfare. Castro literally announced to his powerful opposition what his plans were and when they would be carried out.
Batista prepared for the moves by getting Congress to give him dictatorial powers. Then Castro
called a general strike early in April. It totally immobilized the interior cities — except Havana, the key to power in Cuba. Here Batista turned the tables on Castro and declared total war, killing all who were the least suspect. The general strike died. Then Batista started his strongest military offensive against Castro. The rebels successfully stopped Batista's advance, the fighting soon spread to four of the six Cuban provinces. This defeat of Batista's army was the turning point in the revolution, although the open fighting continue 1 through the summer and fall.
It was not until October 1958, that Cuban rebels and Castro first mixed words and sentiment with the United States State Department. The incidents were minor, but they created great antagonism toward the United States in the Castro camp. One incident was the attendance of John Foster Dulles at a party given by the Cuban ambassador in Washington. Batista spread this story through the country to show that the United States still supported his government.
The Rebel Offensive
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS
On Nov. 7, Castro started the final offensive against Batista. He sent columns of troops against Cienfugos, Santiago and Santa Clara. The countryside around these cities was overrun by the rebels, and on Dec. 31, Batista left the country. Three days later the three major cities were in Castro's hands and Havana was in an uproar with rebels running through the streets looting all businesses and newspapers which had supported Batista. On Jan. 3, Castro started his triumphant march to Havana.
'NOW WE CAN GIVE THEM A REAL TEST MISS BABE——NESTER-
DAY WAS THEIR 'DEADLINE' FOR WITHIN-AFRICA FROM CLASSES'
The revolution had been accomplished with far less bloodshed than had been expected. Fidel Castro was the man of the hour. Even the military trial and rapid-fire shootings of Batista supporters were rapidly accepted and endorsed by the people. However, sympathy for Castro and his revolution was deadened throughout the world by the immediate beginning of the war criminal executions. Castro could see nothing wrong with the executions as he said Eatista had not even allowed a hearing during his regime.
Fidel Castro accomplished a near-miracle in his successful revolution. From the days when he and only 11 other men held up in Oriente Province to the times in 1958 when Castro had only 300 armed men holding off many times that number of Batista troops, Castro had a clear concept of just what he was fighting for and where he stood strategically in the fight.
In the last analysis, he was able to win in the teeth of overwhelming military superiority because, by skillfully manipulating the various weapons of propaganda and by placing his finger on the real ill-nees of Cuba, he rallied the massive support of the people. Without this support, even the most powerful dictator cannot hold sway indefinitely.
SOME CATS GOT IT AND SOME CATS AINT.
The American Negro
Conclusion By Bill Blundell
The law has perhaps done all it can in furthering the cause of the Negro. In our courts, he stands as one with the white man — but will this ever be true of his relationship with society as a whole?
Despite the words of the court, the Negro today is still the object of bitter hatred born of centuries of deep-rooted prejudice. The court's decision was a step forward, that is certain; but the words of the law must be matched by the spirit of the nation before it can be truly said that all men of all races are equal in the eyes of their fellows.
THIS LEADS US to an inevitable question; has the Supreme Court been the mirror of public opinion in this matter, or has it led the nation, literally by the nose, to unwillingly accept what the court deems correct? The worthy justices of the past and present would probably disclaim such a choice, saying that only the interpretation of the law concerned them. But the doctrine of judicial review promulgated by Chief Justice John Marshall has placed the court in a difficult position. Its decisions have, over the years, been such as to lead naturally to such a question as we have asked. Its answer may determine the future course of race relations in this nation.
"IF THE TWO RACES are to meet upon terms of social equality, it must be the result of natural affinities, a mutual appreciation of each other's merits and a voluntary consent of individuals . . . . Legislation is powerless to eradicate racial instincts or to abolish distinctions based upon physical differences..."
The doubts expressed by Justice Brown lead to what may be the central question regarding racial integration on a massive scale. This question is:
CAN THE NEGRO, regardless of the statements of the courts, regardless of the verbal and written guarantees that assure him equality in finding a job, a place to live, a school for his children, can the Negro find true equality and true opportunity in a society which still sets its face against him and harbors the grudges and deep prejudices of the past?
The court showed sensitivity to this question in the opinion of Mr. Justice Brown in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson. He said:
It would seem that he cannot. But this is a question that only the march of history, with its fluid changes in the outlook of society, can answer. The first faltering steps have been taken; but the river of time must flow still longer before the final place of the Negro in our society can be fixed forever.
Dailu Hansan
University of Kansas student newspaper
Founded 1889, became biweekly 1904, triweekly 1908, daily Jan. 16, 1912.
Telephone Vlking 3-2700
Extension 711, news room
Tribune office
Extension 113, news room
Extension 376, business office
Member Inland Daily Press Association. Associated Collegiate Press.
Represented by National Advertising Service, 18 East 50 St., New York 22,
N.Y. News service: United Press International. Mail subscription rates:
$3 a semester or $5 a year. Published in Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon
during the University year except Saturdays and Sundays. University
holidays and examination periods. Entered as second-class matter Sept.
17, 1910, at Lawrence, Kan., post office under act of March 3, 1879.
NEWS DEPARTMENT
Managing Editor
RUSINESS DEPARTMENT
Mark Dull Business Manager