2 University Daily Kansan Friday. Nov. 4. 1960
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The Silent Electorate
Heaps of unused ballots will pile up at polling places throughout the nation next Tuesday. Voting machines will stand waiting for a hand on the lever—the hand of the little man who wasn't there...
Where will he be? He'll be at home, resting or doing something he thinks is a lot more important; or he'll be too busy working to come out. After all, it's not every day he can get some time off to clean the basement, get that office business done, or go hunting—and what of it? It's a free country, isn't it?
THESE PEOPLE are the silent electorate, the sheep who say they couldn't care less who governs them (politicians are all the same, anyway) but who are the first to protest when the government follows a policy that they feel is wrong.
There is little we can do to change them. They are the hard core of perversity that has made the democratic system less than what it should be. They are in part responsible for America's disgraceful showing at the polls on election day, a record which speaks poorly for a nation that is looked to as a champion of democracy, a lighter for truly representative government.
AMERICA HAS SELDOM sent more than 70 per cent of its eligible voters to the polls on election day, while other nations have over 90 per cent voting.
We are fortunate that most of the missing are not from the ranks of those who simply don't care. Most of the people who should vote but don't are staying home because they do not think either of the candidates is fit for the presidency, or because they think their interests will not be represented, regardless of who is elected.
We think the candidates are two of the most eminently qualified men ever put before the public. They both have extensive experience in legislative matters and both sit in high places in the councils of government.
THE DISSATISFIED ONES are looking for a Rosevelt, a Lincoln. They fail to remember that these men only gained great respect after they were elected—and sometimes not even then.
How about representation of interests? The stay-at-homes are thinking narrowly. The issues now are not primarily personal. They deal with the continued existence of the nation.
Surely the farmer can forget the price of corn, the steel worker his discontent over labor issues, long enough to make some choice between the two on a wider scale of values, a scale that registers the truly vital issue of national survival and progress.
Bill Blundell
Candidates Slugging Hard
Senate Race Close in Colorado
By Frank Morgan
Political seers and pundits are having a field day over the Colorado Senate race in Election Year, 1960.
"Roughest, toughest battle . . .
fighting with the gloves off . . continuous and furious debates on foreign policy . . . the race will be decided by the Denver vote . . . no surprise at an upset . . . a sure thing."
This describes the senatorial campaigns of Republican incumbent Gordon L. Allott and Democratic Lt. Gov. Robert L. Knous.
A Clean Fight
While the in-fighting may be hard, from all indications, it has been clean, with the differences being in the candidates. They are the embodiments of their respective party philosophies.
Gordon L. Allott
The difference is party affiliation. Allott is known—and has voted in the Senate—as a conservative of the first order. Knous is a passionate liberal who devoutly believes in the Democratic ideals and platform.
Gordon L. Allott, 53, born in Pueblo and now a resident of Lamar, received his B.A. from Colorado University in 1927 and his LL.B. in 1929. He worked his way through college by working in steel mills, lumber camps and washing dishes.
Held State Posts
After starting his practice in Lamar he was elected county attorney in 1934, national chairman of Young Republics, deputy district attorney, district attorney and then lieutenant governor in 1951. He served two terms there before running for the Senate in 1954.
In the highly controversial election of 1854, Allott upset former national congressman John A. Carroll by a narrow margin for the seat vacated by Edwin Johnson. (Carroll was elected to the Senate in a later election.)
McCardyism and communism were the bywords of the campaign, and great use was made of scarewords by Allotl's supporters. Full pae ad appeared in state papers asking, "Is this the kind of Senator Colorado wants?" listing Carroll's negative vote record while in the House on such issues as funds for the Un-American Activities Committee, the federal employee loyalty program and the Communist Registration Bill. The ad ended with "Vote for a real American. Send Gordon Allott to the Senate
and drive out corruption and Communism."
Allott Surprise Winner
Robert L. Knous brings an illustrious political name into the campaign. His father, Lee Knous, was governor of Colorado and a federal judge. Robert, 42, was born in Ouray and raised in Montrose. He graduated from Colorado University in 1941 after working summers in the mines, and received his law degree from Denver University in 1947 after four and one-half years in the Navy.
Carroll had led in all polls up until election day. The Denver Post blasted the smear campaign and said, editorially, that such tactics would and should cost Allott the election. But Allott won by 12,000 votes.
Dailu Hansan
He served as deputy district attorney and was elected to the Colorado Senate in 1952, where he served two terms. He was elected lieutenant governor in 1958 in the Democratic landslide that swept the state.
He is known and respected for
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his diligence and capacity for work. He was appointed chairman of a commission to revise the state's old-age pension program and spearheaded the delicate issue to acceptance by all factions.
He has fought for legislation which provides 100 percent implementation of the School Foundation Act, he stands for full parity of income for farmers and he believes in a free labor movement and free collective bargaining as a solution to the labor problem. He is endorsed by the Colorado Labor Council, the Colorado Education Assn. and Farmer's Union.
GOP Shining Light
Sen. Allott, in his first term, was considered one of the "golden boys" of the minority party. He was a member of the weighty Senate Appropriations Committee, Insular and Interior Affairs Committee and was chairman of several sub-committees.
Knous has charged Allott with being a member of the "unholy alliance, the bloc of conservative Republicans and southern Demos."
Allott is campaigning on his Senate record. According to his campaign literature, he lines up in the following manner on certain key issues:
Civil Rights: He supported 'all Eisenhower recommendations that were enacted in 1957-58. He introduced several bills to deter lynching and insure Negro voter registration.
Agriculture: He has consistently opposed high rigid parity prices and has supported flexible price supports coupled with the soil bank.
Education: He supports the National Defense Education Act but opposes federal aid for teachers salaries.
National Defense: He strongly supported Eisenhower defense budgets and defends present defense posture and foreign policy.
The advantage of incumbency always has been a factor in a senatorial race in Colorado. No incumbent U.S. senator has been defeated by Colorado voters in a reelection bid in the last 20 years.
The Denver Post, on Sunday, Oct. 23, had these comments about the campaign:
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS
"The race between Allott and Knous appeared to be close. But in the last few days there have been indications Knous is gaining in support and it would not surprise a great many of the political experts if he upset the senior senator from Colorado."
"WORTHAL'S PARTICULAR-HE WON'T BE SEEN WITH JUST ANYTHING."
From the Magazine Rack
Jail, Not Bail
"At the Interracial Action Institute, we discussed jail versus bail and concluded that in cases of unjust arrest arising from nonviolent protest action, remaining in jail is effective in mobilizing community support...
"The prospect of arrest in Miami had seemed unlikely to us at the Institute. We were mistaken. On Wednesday afternoon, August 17, 18 of us were quietly awaiting service at the coffee shop of Shell's City Supermarket, which refuses to serve Negroes, although many of the supermarket's customers are Negro. When first approached, the manager had retorted: 'Can't you see the waitresses are busy?' A half hour later, the police arrived. We were asked our names and addresses and then were escorted out of the restaurant. Not until then we were told we were under arrest. Eight of us were placed in squad cars. The remaining 10 were packed into a small paddy wagon where the temperature must have been as high as 110. Our spirits were high also, however. We sang 'We Shall Not Be Moved.'
"We were taken to Dade County jail, which is located atop a skyscraper in the heart of Miami. In accordance with 'local custom' we were isolated into four separate groups: white men, Negro men, white women (there was one in our group) and Negro women... We were locked up 10 days, for our trial was not until August 26.
"As soon as Tom Roland and I were locked in our whites-only cell block, we were asked by the other prisoners what we were in for. Our answer did not win us popularity. Most of the other prisoners were definitely segregationists. For the first three days we were expecting an assault. It was therefore not too much of a surprise when on the third evening, Roland was beaten. By next morning, however, one of the attackers apologized and from that time on, all was peaceful.
"Gradually, we were accepted by many of the prisoners—though not by all. During the long days, they engaged us in a number of discussions of our viewpoint. By the end of 10 days in jail, we were participating with them in the rough-housing, card-playing, cigaret-sharing and TV-watching which constituted the only means of passing the time. There were no books, magazines or newspapers. There were no visits for us, since only relatives are allowed.
"TV as well as newspaper publicity remained considerable throughout the 10 days we were in jail. This publicity prompted strong support for CORE's call for a boycott of Shell's by Negroes, who constituted over a quarter of the supermarket's customers. Patronage declined until there was only the slightest trickle of Negro customers.
"On August 26, we were finally tried. In the ante-room in which we were held, there was no segregation. Some of the whites from our cell block conversed freely with the Negroes who had been arrested with us and the atmosphere was friendly. We were brought before Judge George Schulz who imposed suspended sentences on all 18 of us.
"The following day we were all picketing Shell's. Six days later Frederich's, a nearby competing supermarket, opened its lunch counter to all. Following conclusions of our Action Institute, the campaign at Shell's was taken over by the local CORE group in Miami."
(Excerpted from an article "Jail—Not Bail" by James R. Robinson in the September 1960 Corelator, the publication of the Congress of Racial Equality.)