---
Page 2
University Daily Kansan Tuesday, Nov. 1, 1960
Making of a Martyr
The Rev, Martin Luther King struck one of his greatest blows for Negro equality last week—he was sentenced to four months in a Georgia work camp. The court decision came after Dr. King was found to have broken his year's probation for driving in Georgia on an Alabama drivers license.
THE NEGRO LEADER OF THE "SIT-IN" movement has already received support and sympathy from across the nation for this recent example of racial discrimination in the Southern courts. Dr. King was sentenced to four months in a work camp for driving in Georgia with an Alabama license. Stripped of legal technicalities, that is the punishment that the judge decided fits the crime.
How many hundreds of people move to Georgia each year and fail to transfer their drivers' licenses immediately? And how many of these people when arrested and found to have neglected this part of the Georgia law are put on a year's suspended sentence for their first offense in the state? Four months hard labor for a misdemeanor—hardly justified.
THE NEGRO "SIT-IN" MOVEMENT IN ATLanta, of which Dr. King is the leader, has gained impetus in recent weeks. Its effect was recognized last week when the mayor of Atlanta called a 30-day truce between the Negroes and business leaders of the city in an effort to reach a solution.
One of Atlanta's leading forces in the fight for eventual integration is the city's renowned newspaper, the Atlanta Constitution. The Constitution editorially first advocated the truce and has forcefully attacked the sentence that Dr. King received. The newspaper said that the sentence was both too harsh and a mistake on the part of segregationists. It said the court decision has established Dr. King as a martyr in the eyes of the South's Negro population, and that he will have even more prestige and be even more a popular figure for Negroes to follow when he is released.
THE POLICY THE CONSTITUTION WOULD have the city follow is one of moderation and gradual change. The paper said that it is accepted as fact in most circles that integration must eventually take place in stores discriminating against the Negro. The paper's hope is that antagonism between races can be kept to a minimum. The newspaper has consistently denounced the "sit-in" movement for being too radical and affording too many opportunities for violence.
This recent court decision regarding Dr. King points up some realistic facts. First, the Negro movement in the South has made inroads in one of the staunchest strongholds of segregation — Georgia. The fact that the mayor of Atlanta recognizes the "sit-in" movement as effective would not have happened in the recent past. And in addition, the trial of Dr. King and the "sit-in" movement shows that more and more Negroes are becoming aware of their rights and are demanding them.
BUT AT THE SAME TIME THE NEGROES are becoming increasingly impatient to realize their goals of equality before the law, the leaders of the South are not ready for this. The prejudice, inborn in most of the South's leading administrators and politicians, still remains and the court decision is but a crude reminder. Here are two peoples fighting for their basic beliefs. The outcome is obvious and the prayer is that it may be achieved as gracefully and peacefully as possible.
John Peterson
Religion Key Issue
Humphrey Paces Minnesota
By John Peterson
Minnesota's Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party is looking toward another banner year on the state level, but the Democratic presidential nominee has no more than an even chance to carry this "swing state" in the politically crucial farm belt.
In the last 10 presidential elections, starting in 1920, Minnesota has voted each time for the winning candidate. In 1948, Harry S. Truman carried the state by 200,000 votes, but the Republicans turned the vote their way in 1952 with Dwight D. Eisenhower winning by more than 150,000 votes.
Kennedy, Nixon Even
The latest Associated Press "Minnesota Poll" shows Sen. John F. Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon running even. There are two major factors influencing the vote in Minnesota this year.
To counteract this, Sen. Kennedy has three of the more powerful and militant Democratic leaders in the nation campaigning vigorously across the state for him.
First, Minnesota is a strongly Protestant state and it is impossible to forecast the effect the religious issue will have on the voting. With little more than a week before election, informed observers feel that religion is hurting Sen. Kennedy's chances of winning here. Kennedy is a Roman Catholic.
The three — Senators Hubert Humphrey and Eugene McCarthy and Gov. Orville Freeman — are the backbone of the off-spring
HUBERT HUMPHREY
Democratic organization in the state which is a coalition of Democrats, farmers and laborers (DFL). All three are good vote getters and Humphrey and Freeman are up for re-election this year.
Andersen Opposes Humphrey Despite the fact that the Republicans do not hold a major post in Minnesota now, the GOP has conducted a spirited campaign. Elmer L. Andersen, Minneapolis mayor, is running for governor on the Republican ticket and is given at least an even chance of upsetting Gov. Freeman, who is seeking an unprecedented fourth term.
Daily Hansan
University of Kansas student newspaper
Anderson Ohnoses Humuhrev
Founded 1889, became biweekly 1004, triweekly 1008, daily Jan. 16, 1912.
Telephone Vikking 3-2700
Extension 711, news room
Extension 376, business office
Humphrey Backing Kennedy
Member Inland Daily Press Association. Associated Collegiate Press. Represented by National Advertising Service, 18 East 50 St., New York 22, N.Y. News service: United Press International. Mail subscription rates: $3 a semester or $5 a year. Published in Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon during the University year except Saturdays and Sundays, University holidays and examination periods. Entered as second-class matter Sept. 17, 1910, at Lawrence, Kan., post office under act of March 3, 1879.
Peterson has spent 13 years in public office — dividing his time between the State Legislature and the mayor's office in Minneapolis. He is given little or no chance of upsetting Humphrey.
But whatever gains the Republicans may have made in the gubernatorial race have been more than counteracted by Sen. Humphrey in his bid for a third successive term in the U.S. Senate. Humphrey was shown with 60 per cent of the voters favoring him in an early September poll by the Minneapolis Tribune. His lead has been cut in recent weeks by his opponent, Republican P. Kenneth Peterson.
Sen. Humphrey has been campaigning hard for the state and national Democratic tickets even though a defeat for Sen. Kennedy could immensely help Humphrey's chances for the presidential nomination in 1964.
Rep. Walter H. Judd, keynoter at the Republican national convention, is the state's Republican spokesman. Rep. Judd is seeking his 10th consecutive term in Congress. Judd is expected to win easily, but that is the only one of nine Congressional seats which is not expected to be a tight race.
Andersen has served 10 years in the State Senate. His campaign is based on state discontent over low farm income, population decrease and an unsound fiscal condition. However, Gov. Freeman has been a popular state executive.
Coya Kuns Again
Former Rep. Coya Knutson is running for Congress again this year. She was the only Democratic incumbent defeated in the nation in 1958.
Her campaign that year was hurt by the famous "Coya, come home!" letters which her husband had written during the election year. This year, Coya announced her candidacy — with her husband's support — but the DFL party which had backed in her years past, announced that it favored State Senator Roy Wiseth. She defeated Wiseth in the primary.
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS
-
"MASTERFULLY WRITTEN PROFESSOR SNARF—ITS SELF-OWN MY PLEASURE TO SEE A TEST WITH SO MANY *ANIMALIBOUS QUESTIONS*
By Clifford S. Griffin Assistant Professor of History
CATHOLIC VIEWPOINT ON CHURCH AND STATE, by Jerome G. Kerwin. Hanover House, $3.50.
Anti-Catholicism, as everyone knows, is one of the great American traditions. In this short book Dr. Kerwin attempts to destroy part of the tradition by enlightening non-Catholics on a complex subject. Contemporary political champions on both sides of the cheesecoil curtain will doubtless construe the book as propaganda. It is not, for the issues it treats, dating from the start of the Christian era, transcend in dignity and importance, as almost any idea must, those raised by the politicians.
IN THE CATHOLIC CHURCH, Dr. Kerwin emphasizes, there are more mansions than most Protestants dream of. Catholic theologians, like their Protestant brethren, have long argued about which things were Caesar's and which God's. Since the ultimate aim of the true Christian is to enter heaven, the divines have ever stressed the primacy of the spiritual over the temporal sphere. Yet they have regularly recognized that the state has functions of its own which no church can perform. The actual distribution of power, as well as the theory, has varied widely.
Dr. Kerwin maintains reasonably that American Catholics are also Catholic Americans. Therefore they share certain characteristics with other citizens. The most important of these is the desire to keep the American culture pluralistic. If Catholics pray that non-Catholics will forsake their alleged error, neither the laity nor the clergy seek to impose conformity through law. In an extended discussion of state aid to parochial schools, Dr. Kerwin asserts that such assistance would not be a union of church and state, but rather a recognition that children have a right to education with spiritual significance as well as to one without it. He vigorously supports such aid.
WHILE AMERICAN CATHOLICS are not attempting to force their beliefs on others, they do demand, as Dr. Kerwin demands, freedom to attempt to convince others of the justness of Catholic views. Possibly because questions of censorship, divorce laws, Sunday closing laws, birth control, and other matters are discussed in other volumes of the "Catholic Viewpoint Series," Dr. Kerwin gives them extremely brief treatment. His general position is that adoption of Catholic ideas would be beneficial to society, not because the ideas are Catholic, but because they are decent.
Awkwardness in style and organization sometimes tend to obscure the fact that Dr. Kerwin is dedicated to the pursuit of decency. He believes, as he says that Catholics believe, in the separation of church and state, but in the fusion of religion, or morality, and the state. He is properly worried about the evil vulgarities of interparty statism and suggests that Christianity holds the solution to the problem. He asks for greater understanding and cooperation from Catholics and Protestants.
THUS THE BOOK has distinct virtues. Its greatest fault is that Dr. Kerwin has made but slight effort to distinguish the views of various groups among the Catholic laity. He assumes, for example, that Catholics are united in support of basic American political institutions. He therefore ignores the widespread Catholic Worker movement, whose members are devout Catholics and fervent anarchists.
For the hitherto uninformed reader, this book is strongly recommended.