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THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
Friday, October 25, 1968
Electoral College: voter knowledge
By JIM ANDERSON
The American system of presidential elections is nearly as misunderstood by the average voter as it is strange to the political scientist. Considering the current unrest in the country, which is perpetuated by such factors as the war in Vietnam, violence in America's large urban areas, and the constant fear of inflation, the November election contest among Nixon, Humphrey, and Wallace has become an explosive matter. Therefore, it seems prudent to examine some of the complexities involved in winning a presidential election.
In attempting to understand the sections of the Constitution and the particular state laws that regulate the election of a president, it must be understood that even in the earliest history of our country, policy makers conferred themselves with the decentralization of power from any one branch of government.
The concept of federalism provides for the vertical distribution of power between the state and federal governments. Furthermore, the policy of checks and balances insures horizontal separation of powers on any particular level of government whether it be local, state, or national.
Accordingly, each state receives as many voting electors as it has senators and representatives in the U.S. Congress. The process whereby these electors are chosen and therefore their responsibility as to which candidate for whom each elector shall cast his ballot is left for the individual states to determine.
Looking at the particular law involved, the Constitution has determined the precise procedure for electing presidents. It is in that process that an extremely misunderstood institution, namely the Electoral College, becomes important.'
Because of a concept known as the unit rule, which is provided by state "law," the total number of electoral votes in each state goes to the candidate who polls the most popular votes in that particular state.
After the general election is held, the Electoral College meets. At that time the states cast their ballots for the president and vice-president separately. However, to win the election, a candidate must receive a majority of electoral votes as opposed to merely a plurality.
If no candidate receives such a majority (and the election in November presents such a possibility), the procedure is further described in the Constitution. The leading three presidential candidates are voted upon in the House of Representatives, with each state having one vote. To win, a candidate must receive a majority of all the states, not merely all those voting. Similarly, the leading two vice-presidential candidates are voted upon in the Senate, with the same majority requirement taking effect.
Editor's note: The Electoral College has long been the subject of controversy. This year, the third party candidacy of George Wallace has aroused increased interest, and in many cases, increased criticism, of the Electoral College. Jim Anderson, Moline, Ill., graduate student in journalism, explains the Electoral College, its weaknesses and its role in this year's presidential election.
The resulting possibilities are clearly visible. Using the 1968 election as an example, it is possible that none of the three candidates would win a majority of votes in either the Electoral College or in the House of Representatives.
However, as the Senate's choice for the vicepresident is limited to the leading two candidates, the possibility of a stalemate there is highly unlikely. Therefore, as provided in the Constitution, the candidate chosen as vice-president would assume the presidency in the event that the House of Representatives was unabale to produce a majority for any of its three possible choices. This is a possibility that Curtis LeMay might cherish.
Other incredible possibilities exist. For example, a president chosen in the House conceivably could find himself with a vice-president of the opposite party.
However, the present flaws in the electoral system are by no means new issues. For example, Andrew Jackson lost to John Quincy Adams in the elections of 1824 even though Jackson polled the most popular votes. As no candidate received the required majority in the Electoral College that year, the vote went to the House. At that time the third candidate, Henry Clay, gave his support to Adams, thus deciding the election. Perhaps it is important to observe that Adams proceeded to appoint Clay secretary of State.
However, in attempting to understand the many implications of the Electoral College, another discussion needs to be made. Remembering that it is possible for a vice-presidential candidate to become president, what does this mean in the context of the current criteria for being chosen as a vice-presidential running mate?
At the recent political conventions both Humphrey and Nixon were faced with the task of choosing a vice-presidential candidate. Granted that both men stressed the importance of such a choice, especially in light of the recent political assassinations. However, can the practices of more than a century of politics be overlooked?
Most people who are knowledgeable in the field of politics recognize the fact that the man chosen to be the vice-presidential candidate is so picked for many reasons. No practical individual can overlook the fact that the second man usually is
chosen for his ability to strengthen the party unity by appeasing those factions that were somewhat disappointed by the original choice for the presidential candidate.
Therefore, it is doubtful that many presidential candidates select for their second the other man most qualified for the presidency. Besides casting some shadows over politics in general, this situation necessitates that each voter make an even closer examination of the current electoral and political system.
Advocates for reform of the electoral system therefore have much evidence upon which to base their arguments. There can be no doubt that the principles of the Electoral College are in conflict with the concept of majority rule. However, the reasons for the perpetuation of that institution are fairly consistent with the principles of decentralization mentioned earlier.
To begin with, states with large populations and therefore large numbers of members in the House have a decided advantage in the Electoral College. In other words, the state of New York has more influence in the outcome of a presidential election than does the state of Utah.
However, the representation in the Senate is quite another matter. In that case, both New York and Utah have equal voice in all decisions. In this instance the voters in Utah have much more influence relative to the voters in New York.
The question of representation in the House is another matter yet. History has noted that most states are apportioned heavily in favor of rural areas. But recent decisions by the Supreme Court, advancing the idea of one man, one vote, are gradually removing such inequity.
Therefore, the balance between rural and urban representation, on an individual state basis, is being attained in Congress; and there probably remains less rationale to using the Executive Branch for that purpose. The question of rural minority protection versus urban majority rights is therefore both an interstate and an intrastate issue. Thus, advocates of the election of a president by direct popular vote can be encouraged.
To argue in detail the merits of the Electoral College, the conflict between urban and rural areas, or the question of majority rights versus minority protection is not possible here. However, it is extremely important that the voter be aware of the faults of such an institution and that he understand both the equitable and the inequitable rationales behind it.
For example, if that understanding is absent, it will be impossible to comprehend the dissension behind the candidacy of a George Wallace, but most importantly, before the ballots are cast in November, the voter must be aware of the consequences for which each individual must assume part of the responsibility.
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"For being the first cold bug to contaminate outer space!"
'Paper Lion'a hilarious romp
Bv SCOTT NUNLEY
Absolutely wrong! "Paper Lion" is a hilarious romp behind the locker room doors of NFL football, excitingly photographed and edited, and co-starring this year's most surprising set of starlets: the Detroit Lions.
A touch football amateur who thinks he can step into the shoes of a pro quarterback is certain to fail. And the film of his destruction will be dreary?
Sports Illustrated's George Plimpton is justly famous, of course, for his audacity. But it is lanky star Alan Alda who adds a lovable Haw-vud personality to Plimpton's adventure with Coach Joe Schmidt and Company. Alda's mournful face mugs with equal ease either panic-stricken fear or once-in-a-lifetime rapture.
Director Alex March focuses full power on Alda's talent, catching his scarecrow frame in beautifully disjointed slow motion, studying his incredulous face in closeups from a dozen angles, and crystallizing his amusing reveries in both stark and dreamlike flashbacks.
Alda's terror at discovering a threatening note ("Alex! Alex! this is real blood!") and his revengeful glee in a madcap midnight prank are only particularly memorable examples of his uniformly superb characterization of super-amateur Plimpton.
One of the major sources of that realism is, of course, the appearance of the Detroit players as themselves. Although Director March has coaxed believable performances from the entire team, beefy Alex Karras is exceptional as a foil to Alda's naivete.
An "amiable fiction" of George Plimpton's days with the Detroit Lions is what this film promises. But the major joy of the moviegoing experience is its non-fiction qualities, the delightful reality of all those smashings the Defense feeds to poor Rookie Number Zero.
Knowing that a flesh and blood sportswriter actually survived these flesh and blood misadventures adds tremendous tang to the wish-fulfillment on the screen.
Certainly, too, the editing of the footage of the Cardinals-Lions game is its own master study in visual impact.
Coach Schmidt is left lonely against the huge St. Louis stadium—crashing closeups and blasting sound effects ignore the finesse of the game to wallow in its lovely savagery—the repetition of a referee's striped leg punctuates and organizes a series of chaotic images.
Mission Improbable, perhaps, to attempt either the real life experience or the celluloid imitation but Plimpton and Alda have made both "Paper Lion" 's roaring successes.