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University Daily Kansan Thursday, Oct. 23, 1958
Hungary Revisited
(Today is the second anniversary of the Hungarian rebellion. A year ago John Eaton, journalism graduate student, wrote what we considered to be one of the most powerful editorials we have ever read. The statements he made are still valid, if a little harder to recall. We reprint Mr. Eaton's editorial on Hungary, and hope the readers will take a few minutes to think about it—the last two paragraphs in particular.—The Editors.)
The scene is Budapest, exactly one year ago today. The time is 9 p.m. Three young men (students at the Engineering University in Budapest) and the 12-year-old sister of one of the students approach the Radio Building. The young girl is carrying a white cardboard placard upon which are printed the 16 demands upon the Hungarian government that a rally of students formulated earlier that day. They hope to have the demands broadcast to the Hungarian people.
It is cold and their breath can be seen in the night air as they start to enter the Radio Building. A member of the secret police stops them. He tells them that they can't enter the building, or have their demands broadcast. He slams the heavy door in their faces. They resist. More secret police appear. There is the rattle of a machine gun. The three students and the 12-year-old girl with the white placard lie dead on the sidewalk. The first blood has been let; the Hungarian Revolution swings into full motion.
Until then the demonstrations had been silent and there was no bloodshed. Earlier that afternoon 200,000 students and workers, one-fifth of the population of Budapest, had demonstrated in Parliament Square against government suppression. They had marched ten abreast and silently chanted. Only two words were said—"Ruszkik ki, Ruszkik ki." It means "Russians get out." Several Communist speakers had tried to speak, but they were howled down by the crowd.
The next day, Oct. 24, the throngs again gathered in Parliament Square. Again they protested against government suppression. Soviet tanks appeared and fired upon some of the soldiers who were fraternizing with the demonstrators. Shortly the bodies of 360 students and 250 other demonstrators littered the square. House to house fighting began.
In the days that followed, the anti-Communists took control in the provinces, the bulk of the Hungarian Army was in rebellion, Premier Imre Nagy promised free elections and an end to dictatorship, Cardinal Mindszenty was freed, and old political parties appeared. The Russian army had withdrawn and the revolution seemed a success.
Then, for the tremendous action, there was a reaction. The hopes for Hungarian freedom dimmed on Nov. 4 as 5,600 Soviet tanks, accompanied by 200,000 soldiers, rumbled back into Hungary. Within a few days the once-beautiful face of Budapest was horribly scarred. Thousands were killed. The first of 130,000 refugees began to pour across the Austrian border and the first of many eyewitness accounts shocked the Western world.
Untrained civilians using strange weapons are a poor match for a trained army. The violent revolution waned. Soon only isolated bands of rebels and sporadic strikes in factories remained. Premier Nagy was replaced by Soviet puppet Janos Kadar. On Nov. 14 the Soviets began their systematic mass deportation of potential revolutionaries—those under 25 years of age—to the U.S.S.R. and Siberia. Some observers predict it will be generations before Hungary will recover from the effect of losing thousands of its youth, either through death or to the Soviet work camps. The damage to the Hungarian economy was astronomical; the wound to their spirit is inestimable.
It is interesting to note how the Russians justified the slaughter: "Soviet troops are carrying out duties as allies, rendering brotherly assistance to Hungarian people in defending their Socialist achievements by crushing counter-revolutionaries."
In the early months of 1957 the Hungarian people had finally resigned themselves to temporary defeat. A demonstration planned in March to celebrate the anniversary of the 1848 revolution was quelled before it got on its feet.
In the meantime the workers have gone back to their factories, the students have returned to their studies. On the surface Hungary seems normal. Even the Communist organizers have resumed their haranguing and party forming. But the overwhelming result of the revolution still remains—hatred of the Russians. In this the Hungarian people are firmly united.
This is not the first, nor the last time, that a free spirit has seemed to be crushed by totalitarianism. To shout "Tyrants" when such an event does occur is easy. It makes one feel good, rather like a participant.
Some feel this is enough. But there is more. The major portion of sin must logically be borne by the oppressor, but observers too must share a certain blame. They have seen a crime and forgotten it. If the last history book to be written notes one appalling sin of the human race it will be man's short memory. Condemnations aren't a solution. Neither is war. But the alternative to such crimes won't be found by apathetically forgetting them. —John Eaton
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS
"NAW, I DIDN'T RENT IT—I'M JUST LUCKY TO HAVE A ROOMMATE WHO OWNS A TUX."
Short Ones
The first state university to adopt co-education was The University of the State of Deseret, later the University of Utah, in 1833.
The Rev. R. W. Oliver, the Episcopal rector in Lawrence, was the first chancellor of KU, and he worked without pay.
In KU's beginning, there were only three faculty members and 49 students.
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NEWS DEPARTMENT
Malcolm Applegate ... Managing Editor
Bill Irvine Business Manager
EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT
A1 Jones Editorial Editor
The California Storm
California, our fastest growing state, and second largest in population figures, is the focal point this fall of politicians the country over.
The race form has William F. Knowland, Republican Senate minority leader, against Democrat Edmund G. (Pat) Brown, state attorney general, for the governorship. Vying for Knowland's vacated Senate seat are Republican governor Goodwin J. Knight and Clair Engle, Democratic congressman.
Two major reasons for the heavy political artillery in California are these:
1. California now has 30 representatives, a total which probably will be increased to 37 in 1961 after the 1960 census. The winning national party will control the post-census redistricting.
2. The future of Vice-president Richard Nixon, although he is not on the California ballot, probably will depend on the outcome of the two hotly contested battles. A Republican loss in both races would hurt Nixon's chances of becoming the presidential nominee in 1960.
Republican Trouble
Registration figures for the June primary show a 7 to 5 ratio of Democrats to Republicans. In Los Angeles and San Francisco, registrations since the primary are about 80 per cent Democratic.
To complicate matters, the Republican party has divided loyalties. Knowland decided almost a year ago to run for the governorship instead of for the Senate. Governor Knight wanted to be California's governor again. Governor Knight was pressured into a decision to run for a Senate seat he did not particularly want.
Nixon is caught between the furiously feuding forces of Knowland and Knight. Unless Nixon can patch things up, a Democratic sweep figures to cost him heavily in prestige.
Nixon will have to support a man (Knowland) who probably will be an obstacle in his path for the presidential nomination.
One thing which may have hurt the California Republican candidates is the pamphlets financed by eastern Republicans attacking labor leader Walter Reuther.
Democrats see things going their way, and the Republican split is a big factor. Another major factor in industrialized California is labor's drive to get out the vote.
Democrats Look to Brown
Democrats are looking to Brown to carry them to victory. Yet many of the same Democrats distrust him as an ex-Republican who still rides the coat tails of Republican heroes.
What's behind the Democratic trend?
1. The population is growing 350,000 a year and politicians figure 60 per cent of newcomers in the past decade have come from the South.
2. Knowland stirred up labor unions when he went into the campaign as a champion of the right-to-work amendment, which also will be voted on Nov. 4.
3. In past campaigns Republicans usually took a middle-ground position and referred to Democratic candidates as left-wingers. Brown is now claiming the moderate position for the Democrats and pictures Senator Knowland as a "moss-backed conservative."
In the polls and in the views of most political observers Brown and Engle are ahead in the races for governor and senator at this time. Melvin Hawk
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