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University Daily Kansan Wednesday, Oct. 22, 1958
The Traffic Problem
Those who have followed The Daily Kansan's weekly report of traffic statistics will have noticed a big difference between this year's figures and 1957's.
This year, parking violations have diminished, while moving violations have increased. The change, of course, is imaginary. The actual difference is in enforcement techniques.
This year the campus police are operating a timing device to nab campus speeders. This naturally means there are fewer police available to check the parking lots, and that accounts for the change in reported violations.
We are all in favor of more emphasis on speeding violations. After all, it's been a long time since anybody was run over by a parked car. Our complaint is that the anti-speeding campaign is still sporadic and insufficient.
Speeders on campus still have a large measure of safety from our lawmen, and it is still a matter of life and death to cross Jayhawk Boulevard near the library in the evening.
We believe the campus needs still more policemen detailed to moving violations and fewer assigned to parking.
Why so many parking tickets? Well, the campus has a space problem in its parking lots, no doubt of that.
There may be another good reason. Parking fines are paid to the University, and are used to provide further enforcement and to develop new parking facilities. Moving violations are tried in Lawrence police court, and fines go to the city of Lawrence. Obviously, the University can't show a profit that way.
But you can't stop speeders by giving 400 parking tickets a week, and one of these days somebody is going to be run down on the campus while the law is out pushing someone toward that $16 plateau.
It will probably take an injury or two to get a real speeding crackdown. We hope it doesn't happen to you. —Al Jones
We Accept the Veto
Last spring, the lame-duck, AGI-dominated. All Student Council passed two bills proposing to limit the editorial freedom and news content of The Daily Kansan.
One action intended to prevent The Daily Kansan from taking a partisan stand in any campus election. The other attempted to require this newspaper to print completely all written official news releases from the ASC or its Public Relations Committee.
Advocating the best interests of the student body and freedom of the press, Chancellor Franklin D. Murphy recently vetoed these two proposals.
Still free and unhampered by unfair legislation. The Daily Kansan will continue to take any stand it feels is necessary for the benefit of students. —Jack Morton
Heading on the Right Track
Now that was a little more like it.
When we advocated a renaissance in college pranks, we didn't mean stunts that would hurt somebody, nor tricks to cause panic. Maybe we should have explained the difference between pranks and sadism.
But the parachute jump Saturday—there was something from a little higher plane. It added a flair to the halftime frolics.
In fact, it was one of the last good things to happen during the afternoon, considering the way the second half went.
The nice thing is, the jump was perfectly harmless. The crowd enjoyed it, the jumper knew what he was doing, and it made a spectacular show.
Even though the jumper lost the LMOC election, he gets our vote for providing a unique diversion to a long, long afterparton. —AI Jones
More on Policy
Editor:
... Letters ...
The policy concerning Kansan classified advertisements described in Monday's paper came as a shock to many of your readers. In accordance with this policy, "...unless the message is in bad taste or defamatory no advertisement is refused."
Since when is it not in bad taste to exclude groups on no basis other than their races? Since when is it not defamatory to tell a group of people that they need not apply because the color of their skin is not white? How can this imply anything less than the inferiority of such groups?
The article states, "It is considered a matter of convenience for
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS By Dick Bibler
"DID YOUR DRAFT BOARD GIVE YOU AN EXTENSION ON YOUR EDUCATIONAL DEFERMENT."
both advertiser and applicant that all possible information be included." this is tantamount to saying that the Kansan Board considers racial differences to be one of the pieces of information necessary in the selection of an employee. This attitude allows the advertiser to believe that the qualification he has set down is a just one.
The Kansan Board has the responsibility of allowing The Daily Kansan to make practical, moral judgments, rather than merely discussing them in 19th Century liberal platitudes. How can we take seriously the remarks about discrimination in restaurants when the paper is refused the right to act where a matter of earning a livelihood is concerned?
The Jayhawk yell had its origin over doughnuts and cider at a social gathering of the University Science Club.
Mrs. Barbara Solomon Lawrence graduate
Daily Hansan
University of Kansas student newspaper
Founded 1889, became bweekly 1904,
and moved to El Paso.
Telephone Vlking 3-2700 Extension 711, news room Extension 376. business office
Member Inland Daily Press Association. Associated Collegiate Press. Represented by National Advertising Service, 420 Madison Ave., New York, N.Y. Send resume to: Association International. Mail subscription rates: $3 a semester or $4.50 a year. Published in Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon during the University year except Saturdays and Sundays, University holidays, and examination periods. Entrance fee: second examination Sept. 1910, at Lawrence, Kan., post office under act of March 3, 1879.
NEWS DEPARTMENT
Malcolm Applegate Manager
MALCOLM APPLEGATE
Malcolm Applegate
Editor
DEPARTMENT
BUSINESS DEPARTMENT
full Irvine  Business Manager
EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT
Al Jones ... Editorial Editor
Millionaires' Campaign
New York's next governor will be a millionaire—and he will have worked long and hard for his victory in the coming elections.
What appeared last summer to be a Democratic walkaway in the Empire State has become one of the most hard fought, stumping battles in the country. The Republican candidate who slowed the Democrats' slide to victory is Nelson Rockefeller, grandson of the fabulous John D., who is adding politics to his long list of careers. He is opposing Averell Harriman, the present New York governor, whose grandfather built a fortune in railroads.
Rockefeller is called the "political golden boy" of the state because of his energetic and tireless campaigning, which is apparently paying off.
In his 50 years, he has supervised the building of Rockefeller Center (which he now manages), has developed extensive business interests in South America, and has been active in the past three presidential administrations, especially in Latin American affairs.
Harriman, 66, held Washington jobs from the 1930's until becoming governor. He was ambassador to Russia from 1943 to 1946 and was President Truman's Secretary of Commerce in 1946.
To add to his firm entrenchment in New York City, Harriman has been on a continuous campaign in upstate New York which has given the party new strength there.
But the reappearance of Tammany Hall in state Democratic politics has had an effect on Harriman's campaign. The strength of the machine became apparent when Carmine De Sapio, Tammany boss, pushed the Senate nomination of District Attorney Frank S. Hogan through the party convention over the protests of Harriman and New York City Mayor Robert Wagner.
Although Harriman and De Sapio both are trying to restore harmony with words and joint tours, the GOP continuously tells the voters that the Democratic party is ruled from Tammany.
Despite the fact that Rockefeller has such an obvious party split in his favor, he still has an uphill battle.
In the Senate race, the De Sapio-backed Hogan is opposing Kenneth B. Keating, now in his sixth term in the House.
Keating is generally considered a conservative. His Congressional vote shows him to be anti-union and against federal programs to aid economic distress.
Hogan is opposed to the right-to-work bill and is pro-union. He also supports low and middle-class housing programs, which might make a difference in the urban vote.
The November election in New York is one of those which cannot be safely predicted. With the emergence of Rockefeller on the scene in August, the Democrats saw a fight ahead. That fight is now in progress, and all the country is now waiting to see which millionaire will smile and handshake his way into the statehouse. —Mary Alden
(This is the second in a series on key political races this year.— Ed.)
. . . Books in Review . . .
By Gilbert M. Cuthbertson
THE LINCOLN NOBODY KNOWS, Richard N. Current. McGraw-Hill Book Co., $5.50.
Richard N. Current's book investigates Lincoln, the personality and the President, in a myth-exploding, stereotype-breaking, penetrating re-evaluation. The book presents a study in contrasts characterizing the Messiahian figure of a man from the American wilderness, Abe Lincoln—"a man nobody knows."
The Lincoln Nobody Knows presents a semi-biographical album of the paradoxes in Lincoln's life and is of particular note among the recent studies anticipating the Civil War Centennial.
The author attempts to clarify and illuminate the enigmatic features in Lincoln's character as if to produce an etching from the indistinct lines of a Brady daguerreotype. The principal objective of Current's work is not to present final dicta or to resolve the problems involving Lincoln, but rather to restate and redefine the kaleidoscopic spectrum of opinions.
The book offers a provocative basis for historical speculation for all of Lincoln's career, ranging from his early life to a historical projection in the final chapter which raises the academic question: what would have been the progress of the Reconstruction had Lincoln not been assassinated? At this point there is also the incidental examination of the possible role of Secretary of War Stanton in connection with John Wilkes Booth.
The Lincoln Nobody Knows examines the conflicting reports concerning the President's birth, his domestic difficulties with Mary Todd, the Anne Rutledge affair, and Lincoln's astuteness as a politician. Current's analysis introduces, but does not attempt to answer, questions concerning Lincoln's religious tenets—was he a deist, an atheist, a devout Christian, or even a spiritualist?
The book probes into the deepest recesses and seeming inconsistencies of Lincoln's life: how could "The Great Emancipator" have maintained, as he did at Charleston during the debate with Douglas in September 1858:
"I am not nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races . . . I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race."
Was Lincoln a political novice or did he arrange for troops from crucial states to receive furloughs in order to vote? Was Lincoln a tender-hearted "man of sorrows," or a warrior who deliberately provoked the Confederates to shell Ft. Sumter?
These are a few of the contrasting shadows in Lincoln's life. Perhaps his true greatness lies in his acknowledged ability to transcend these very conflicts. Current's book is a revealing and question-raising account which sheds new light on the mysterious and problematic features of the true Lincoln.