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University Daily Kansas
Monday, March 18, 1957
7 - 2
Africa's Roar Re-echoed
(Editor's note: Emphasis on the Dark Continent is highlighted by the visit to the campus of American Universities Field Staff expert on Africa, Edwin S. Munger. Following is an editorial on the situation in the Union of South Africa.)
"So I have heard of Afric's burning shore
"A hungry lion give a grievous roar ;
'CAN HARD ALONG THE SHARE."
"The grievous roar echoed along the shore."
W. B. Rhodes, "Bombastes Furioso," Act L. Scene IV, 1810
In the 150 years that have passed since these words were written, Africa has undergone the invasion of the white man, the domination by the white man, and now as a hungry lion is giving "a grievous roar" in protest.
Perhaps nowhere is this roar more pronounced, yet more suppressed, than in the Union of South Africa. There, try as it may, the white minority cannot rid itself of the black majority and visa versa.
The racial problem in South Africa is not a native problem; it is one of white survival. There are in the Union 16.2 million persons, of whom the native Africans number 12 million, the white Europeans 2.8 million, the Indians about 350,000 and the coloreds (a name given to a special type of mulatto concentrated mostly in the Cape Province) 1 million.
Another complication is that the whites are divided among themselves. The 1,800,000 Afrikaners of Dutch-Boer descent want a republic. The 1,200,000 British do not want recession from the Commonwealth and for good reason: British investment in the Union since World War II has been nearly a billion dollars. South Africa is a big customer for British exports and is Britain's chief source of gold.
The government seeks to solve the race situation with an extreme policy of segregation called "apartheid." Coined from the Afrikaner tongue of the Dutch settlers, it means "apartness." Theoretically it is meant to encourage separate development of the whites and natives. It denies the natives the right to own their own homes or land, to hold anything but menial jobs (the blacks provide 98.5 per cent of the unskilled labor and 67.1 per cent of the semi-skilled) and to vote. The Bantu Education Act says Negro children must be taught they are inferior. Mission schools which do not comply are closed.
It is claimed that the per capita spending by the government on education, social and medical services is from 7 to 12 times that of any of the territories south of the Saraha. However, about 40 per cent of native children of school age do not attend primary school.
The government believes that if the non-whites were given equality they would outvote the whites and would outlaw the laws of apartheid. It is pointed out that whites and natives would live together, miscegenation would inevitably occur, and in less than a century South Africa would be a country of mixed population.
The goal is complete geographical separation of the races. The government wants to herd South Africa's 12 million non-whites into native reserves located in Transvaal, Cape Province and
Natal, comprising 14 per cent of the Union's territory. To reduce the economic strain in carrying out the policy, the transfer would be done by gradual elimination of the native family outside the reserves. Separation would continue until the whites had disentangled themselves from every form of contact with the natives except supervision of their labor.
To Africans the greatest inhibition in the apartheid policy is having to carry a passport-like booklet giving the bearer's name and race, without which he cannot work anywhere.
To be without a pass is a crime punishable by fine or imprisonment, often by police brutality and sometimes death. The passes have actually caused more crime than they prevented for the African reasoned: "If it's a crime to go in the street without one and if we can be imprisoned for not having one, why not commit a crime that is worthwhile?" Consequently, Johannesburg has one of the highest crime rates in the world.
A woman, for example, will not drive unaccompanied in the suburbs after dark because of the fear of assault; few persons would think of taking a hike alone, and many heads of households sleep with a gun at the bedside.
Heading this fear-ridden nation of 473,000 square miles of primarily jungle lands (as large as Texas, Louisiana and California combined) with a population equal to that of New York State and Connecticut is small (5 feet 7) 63-year-old Prime Minister Johannes Strijdom. His uncompromising attitude and iron hand have made him one of the most hated and feared men in the world.
Strijdom's Calvinist background has taught him that the power of the state is God-given. He is convinced that blacks are accursed of God and ordained to be servants. His ambition is to set up an Afrikaner republic in which he would be president, answerable only to God. (The Union of South Africa today is the only country in the world where racial discrimination is sanctioned by the principal church—the Dutch Reformed Church—as well as by law.)
What does the future hold for South Africa? Outnumbered 41-1, the whites can foresee a day of reckoning. "Arfic's burning shores" will undoubtedly rise for political rights and as Theophilus Donges, minister of interior, said:
South Africa is an outpost of European civilization. The Dutch stock does not wish to return to Holland and the South Africans of English descent who have been there for several generations cannot go back to England.
"Once we give Negroes political rights, we will be ruled by numbers."
To the Afrikaner the color differential is more than skin deep. Former Prime Minister Daniel Malan, who claims he originated the idea of apartheid, said:
"The difference in color is merely the physical manifestation of the contrast between two irreconcilable ways of life, between barbarism and civilization, between heathenism and Christianity."
With the existence of such attitudes, South Africa is bound to see a change. It won't be a quiet one either.
Independents: Get This!
The big Greek Week fling is over. The bedsheets go back into storage for another year, the college version of the soap box racer has seen its moment of glory, and the new royalty of campus society has been crowned.
The Greeks had their week, why not an Independent Week? One heck of a lot of the student body was left out of all the big doings last week. In fact, a majority could only watch the activities if they had three bucks to spare for the dance Saturday night.
—Felecia Ann Fenberg
Instead of dressing in bedsheets, the Independents could have one big costume ball, everybody dressing differently. After all, the Independents are independent, so why should they all conform and look like so many sheep in a flock?
Since anything resembling a chariot race would possibly have so many entries that it would take a week or so to run off, a substitute would have to be found. Possibly a good replacement would be a marathon race starting at the north entrance of Allen Field House. The
course would go up the Hill, turn at the Call and go down Jayhawk Boulevard to 14th Street. Here the runners would turn downhill, turn north at Massachusetts Street, and finish at 6th Street bridge.
Now, since no one is going to try to run that far except an athlete, and since most athletes are Greeks, the afternoon could be devoted to one big TGIS blast. wouldn't that be better than running down spectators, falling from exhaustion at the finish line, or falling and being nearly run down by your own chariot?
One thing that has been left out is the community project. Since this is probably the only really important thing that comes out of all this activity, this project should be carefully considered.
A local band that plays a danceable brand of music could be obtained for a heck of a lot less than $2,250. Then get permission to use Allen Field House. Charge one buck a couple. The proceeds over the cost of the band could be turned over to some worthwhile charity.
—Del Haley
Daily Hansan
University of Kansas student newspaper
billycocky, 1908, daily Jan. 16, 1912,
birlycocky, 1908, daily Jan. 16, 1912.
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Associated Collegiate Press. Represented by National Academy for the Arts. New York, N. K. News service: United Press. Mail subscription rates: $3 a semester or $4.50 a year. Published in Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon during the University year except Saturdays and Sundays, University holidays, and examination days. Postmaster September 17, 1910, at Lawrence, Kan., post office under act of March 3, 1879.
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NEWS DEPARTMENT
Kent Thomas ... Managing Editor
John Battin, Felecia Ann Fenberg, Bob Lyle, Betty Jean Stanford, Assistant Managing Editors; Jim Banman, City Editor; Jacqueline Elliott, meman, Assistant City Editors; Hiroshi Shlonozaki, Telegraph Editor; Mary B奈oyes, Delbert Haley, Assistant Telegraph Editors; Dick Brown, Sports Editor; George Anthan, Assistant Sports Editor; Marilyn Mae Salseth, Society Editor, Assistant Society Editor; John Eaton, Picture Editor.
One Man's Opinion--
"After all, the government is the business of the people," Gov. Docking said. "They have a right to know everything about what is going on at all times."
EDITORIAL DEPARTMENT
Jerry Dawson ... Editorial Editor
Jerry Thomas, Jim Tice, Associate Editors
Several weeks ago Gov. George Docking said he was highly in favor of measures that would insure all government meetings and records to be open to the public. Two bills have been introduced in the House to make all government meetings public.
In Washington, federal restriction on news comes from a "papaknows-best" attitude, says Rep. John E. Moss Jr. of California, chairman of the Moss Committee investigating federal restrictions on the people's right to know.
Legislators in Kansas have relied on the caucus in the last legislative session. News reports have stated that often the legislature floor is used only for voting, and the decisions were made "obviously by prearrangement." Open debate of an issue is skipped.
Closed Doors Are Bad
Gov. Docking said he did not think personalities had any place in government. Scandal should be brought into the open.
"I don't think anybody has any business holding anything back from the people," Gov. Docking said.
Why does anyone, in any public capacity or office wish to hold anything back from the people?
BUSINESS DEPARTMENT
Dale Bowers Business Manager
First, they are weak and scared. Scared for fear their "pet projects" would be opposed and wrecked by the taxpayer, if he knew about them. They are scared of other factions within the governmental unit. Persons who hide behind a door are convinced of their unsound project, and they prove that unsoundness by hiding behind doors.
Second, a decision behind the door more often than not will benefit a small class of people while a large class is being discriminated against. Usually the small class is only the persons behind the door, and maybe a few cronies standing watch nearby.
A third reason in favor of a closed-door policy is a fascist one. Persons relying on the closed door wish to play God or Devil—in either case, demand allegiance and direct every move and turn in the whole apparatus. The closed-door class of persons is afraid of democracy—free discussion. And their "executive session" behind the door proves they want fascism.
Public officials are public executives. A closed door breeds suspicion. The closed-door man should become an open-door man, or get thrown out.
In 1946 Madison Square Garden was the world's largest indoor arena; its total attendance was 5,298,544.
—John Battin
Zoe Kelley
Gamma Phi Beta
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