Page 2 Summer Session Kansan Friday, July 14. 1961 For Nuclear Testing With the nuclear test talks entangled by Russia's demands for administering an inspection system the question of resumption of nuclear testing again has received much attention in Washington. ALMOST ALL MILITARY AND ATOMIC Energy Commission officials have urged the Kennedy administration to end the moratorium that was declared by the United States to create a more friendly atmosphere for these talks. Most of these officials argue that a resumption of testing would push the United States over the brink of a scientific breakthrough which would result in the development of a far more effective nuclear armaments system. The small battlefield weapon is the nuclear device experts are most anxious to test. The United States apparently has a good supply of the larger, more devastating weapons. But there has also recently been talk of an entirely different type of nuclear bomb — the N-bomb. According to Sen. Thomas E. Dodd, D-Conn., this would be a clean bomb which would wipe out human populations without the destruction of property or the lingering radiation that accompanies the normal nuclear blast. THE QUESTION THAT MUST BE Resolved is whether the testing of these weapons and the probable results of these tests would be worth risking a disturbance of the relative stalemate that now exists in world-wide nuclear armament development. Although it is certain that France and Red China are presently working on atomic bombs and there is much speculation on what Russia is doing, there are many nations that have suspended nuclear development plans to await the outcome of the Geneva conference on testing. Nations like Sweden, Israel, Germany, India and Canada could develop a bomb. The real danger of the nuclear race is in the number of nations possessing nuclear weapons, not the development of gigantic bombs by a few countries. The larger the number of atomic-proficient nations the greater the possibility of some irresponsible country igniting a nuclear conflict. So the conducting of the test talks itself has prevented some nations from hopping into the nuclear swim. If the United States should resume testing, some of these nations, no doubt, would seriously consider initiating a program of their own. We also could expect Russia to start conducting tests, if they have not already been doing so. THE RESUMPTION OF NUCLEAR TESTS could affect the Geneva talks either positively or negatively. The Soviets might become anxious to sign an agreement if they suspect that further testing would give the United States a greater advantage in nuclear technology. Or, preoccupation with tests might create an atmosphere in which the Geneva talks could not possibly be successful. The possible value of the weapons the United States wants to test is the factor on which a decision to test or not to test will be made. If a great break-through could be achieved nuclear tests probably should be resumed. Ron Gallagher Daily Crossword Puzzle ACROSS 1 Bag. 5 Latin friends. 10 Move, as air. 14 Ear: Comb. form. 15 Work having two parapets. 16 Arouse one's dander. 17 ___ end: 2 words. 18 Chosen. 19 Frigge's husband. 20 Famous play-wright: full name. 23 Pronoun: Poet. 24 Cupid. 25 Greek island. 27 Malicious. 29 Political groups. 32 Salons. 33 Literary collection. 34 The makings of a cabin. 35 Bretons and Britons. 36 Publius Naso. 37 Shrub. 38 Dwellers in Toyland. 39 Detects. 40 George Eliot and George Sand: 2 words. 42 Mimicery. 43 City between Moscow and Kharkov. 44 Part of Arabia. 45 Noted playwright. 46 Extent. 47 City on the Meuse. 48 Soft mud. 49 Numerous. 50 Among: Prefix. 57 Abbess. 58 Herdsman of Tekoa. 59 Seaweed substances. 60 Esteemed. DOWN 1 River into the Moselle. 2 Roadster. 3 Sour-tempered one. 4 Science of motion. 5 Rugged crests. 6 Free-for-all. 7 Roman date. 8 Ornamental casings for flower containers: 2 words. 9 Periods between. 10 Graze. 11 Island near Venice. 12 Miscellaneous collection. 13 Proceed on. 21 Greek letters. 22 Spoils. 25 Pungent spice. 26 Champion golfer. 27 Under surfaces of feet. 28 Gencrous act. 29 Concord. 29 Young 'uns. 31 Radar screen signal. 32 Opposing any control. 35 Corsage favorite. 36 Vagabond's delight: 2 words. 38 Empty. 39 Count von ___ 41 Not at all: Colloq. 42 Milk snakes. 44 Choler. 45 TV role. 46 "My Name is ___" by Saroyan. 47 Stranger: Comb form. 48 Dwarf of the Philippines. 49 More or less. 50 Frank L. Baum character. 51 Close. (Answer on page 5) Fire-Fighting Aids Called Low in Denver WASHINGTON—(UPI)A Federal Aviation Agency (FAA) expert says Denver's Stapleton Field and other major airports are "deficient" in crash fire-fighting equipment. John W. Bridges, FAA airport safety specialist, gave this assessent following the crash landing Tuesday of a United Air Lines DC8 jet as Stapleton. The airliner veered off the runway, collided with a truck and burst into flames. Sixteen of the 122 passengers and the truck driver died in the flames at the airport's three crash fire trucks raced to the wreckage from their standby position on the loading ramp. Bridges did not criticize the way airline or airport authorities responded to the emergency. But he told United Press International he rated Stapleton Field's crash firefighting capability as deficient after a visit there last December. He said the airport's two water-fog and water-foam trucks together could discharge 180 gallons a minute of water and foam. A third vehicle, a tanker, could supply the other two trucks with 500 gallons a minute, Bridges said. The 180 gallons, he said, falls far below the 1,500 gallons per minute recommended for jet fields by the National Fire Protection Assn. and endorsed by the FAA. Bridges said Stapleton enjoyed "good back-up support" from the Denver Fire Department and nearby Lowry Air Force Base. However, he said, their fire-fighting equipment would not be available quickly enough in case of a crash without advance warning. SUMMER SESSION KANSAN NEWS DEPARTMENT NEWS DEPARTMENT Chuck Morelock and Ron Gallagher ... Co-Editors BUSINESS DEPARTMENT Chuck Martinache . Business Mgr. By Calder M. Pickett Professor of Journalism **BUDDENBROOKS**, by Thomas Mann. Vintage (Random House), $1.85. An extraordinary facet of "Buddenbrooks," an admitted classic of the 20th century, is that Thomas Mann wrote it in his early twenties. We think of Mann as the mature and philosophical refugee from Nazism, and fail to realize that this monumental work appeared when he was so young. Other similar sagas are published when their authors are mature men. "Buddenbrooks" should be read in juxtaposition to the glut of novels of business appearing in American book stores. It really stands out in such company, but it stands out alongside a "War and Peace" or "Brothers Karamazov" as well. The book is of heroic size. Buddenbrook is the name of a northern German family of business, middle class but nearly aristocratic. Mann traces their story through 50 years of gradual decline. Others have told similar stories (Booth Tarkington did it affectingly in "The Magnificent Ambersons"), but few such writers have had both the breadth and depth of Mann. Three heads of the house of Buddenbrooks are here portrayed. As the novel ends, the business is gone, the only male heir has fallen to typhoid fever, and the women prepare to dissolve the households. Antonie Buddenbrooks has gone through two incredibly unsuccessful marriages, her daughter through another. Christian Buddenbrooks had fallen to a life of dissolution and dilettantism. This is a great novel, in which all characters are completely developed. It has tender moments—the young Antonie falling in love on a seashore vacation, the family dinners, little Hanno being enraptured by music. Best of all the characterizations is that of Antonie—Tony—emotional, sentimental, impractical, a Buddenbrook to the very core. THE CAUSES OF THE CIVIL WAR, edited by Kenneth M. Stampp, Spectrum (Prentice-Hall), $1.75. In this centennial-happy year, a book of penetrating essays on why there was a Civil War should be welcomed even by those who confine their Civil War enthusiiasms to the blunders of Burnside at Fredericksburg and Hooker at Chancellorsville. Already a standard work, "The Causes of the Civil War" contains statements, apologia and rationale both from the 19th century and from recent revisionists. Stampp's sections include "the slave power" and the "black Republicans," state rights and nationalism, economic sectionalism, blundering politicians and irresponsible agitators, the right and wrong of slavery, majority rule and minority rights, and the conflict of cultures. These are common groupings for the many explanations of what caused the war. There is no consensus, and Stampp feels that this is good, because it will always leave open the avenues of historical discussion on why North and South fought. Historians, editorial writers, orators—all sound off in these pages. Frank L. Owsley blames the war on "egoctric sectionalism," particularly of the northern variety. Henry Wilson sees a great conspiracy he calls the "slave power." Alexander Stephens defends secession on constitutional grounds. Arthur Schlesinger scorns the "state rights fetish." The Beards see a clash in rival economies, and Algie M. Simons sees the war in Marxist terms. A variety of southerners blame the economically repressive North. James Randall says the politicians blundered their way into war. Charles Sumner views a holy battle against slavery, and George Fitzhugh sees slavery as a positive good. Calhoun talks about a concurrent majority, and Lowell says the majority must rule. Edward Pollard describes Puritans and Cavaliers and contrasts them, and the Chicago Tribune points to a South envious of the North. But without slavery could there have been a war? THE SEARCH FOR AMERICA, edited by Huston Smith and Richard Heffron. Spectrum (Prentice-Hall) $1.50. Here is a series of penetrating essays that set out to provide insight into contemporary American civilization. They are written by some of the better thinkers in America today, almost all of the leftward persuasion—Eleanor Roosevelt, Harold Stassen, Paul Hoffman, Harry Ashmore, J. K. Galbraith, Mark Van Doren, Margaret Mead, Erich Fromm, Reinhold Niebuhr and Paul Tillich, plus a few others. The paperback was assembled following an educational television series that bears the same title. There are obviously many social and moral crisis that confront Americans in 1961, and several of these are analyzed. There is no solution. The editors wisely recognize that no Billy Graham-Norman Vincent Peale approach can solve our problems. Among the discussions are Stassen's analysis of our relations with Russia, Hoffman's discussion of underdeveloped areas and the U. S., Harry Ashmore's discussion of racial problems from a moderate standpoint. The Negro question, it should be observed, receives three chapters in the book, one of them an archaic defense of white supremacy by William Simmons. Galbraith contributes an essay in his amusing style, observing that there have been many memorable speeches in recent years but few memorable actions. Bertram Beck discusses crime and delinquency, and does it well. Margaret Mead dwells on the American family, and Fromm on the love cult of Americans. There finally are challenging and not particularly optimistic analyses of American philosophy by Niebuhr, Tillich and W. E. Hocking.