UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN editorials
Unsigned editors represent the opinion of the Kansan editorial staff. Signed columns represent the views of
September 5,1978
GPA inflation stalled
Ignoring for the moment the misfortune of those who contributed to the decline in the University's undergraduate grade point average, we think the GPA statistics are a healthy sign of concern over the quality of the University's ranking of a student's educational achievements.
We admit a nagging doubt, however—that the lowering of grades could be simply an indictment of the preparation students get before they enter college.
After the GPA climbed steadily to 2.95 in 1974—a record high for KU—it receded to 2.85 in 1977 and 2.73 in spring 1978. Grade inflation, eroding the value of KU grades just as economic inflation eats away at paychecks, once threatened to raise more doubts about the grades that many students consider important. But now the University appears to be making progress in controlling that inflation.
TO BE SURE, grades can be, and often are, rejected entirely as a valid judgment of anything except one's ability to achieve certain marks from certain professors. But if the University insists on issuing grades—and students agree to be judged on a numerical standard—the University owes it to those students to ensure that those grades are valid at least as one standard of achievement, however shallow.
The deans who responded to the Kansan's inquiries on the implications of the recently completed GPA report ranged from forthright to somewhat defensive.
Dale Scannell, dean of the School of Education, said flatly that the school "had made a deliberate effort to make teachers more discriminating about the grading policies." His school's
GPA dropped from 3.02 to 2.96 from 1977 to 1978.
SEVERAL DEANS said a tighter policy against withdrawing from classes helped lower the GPA.
David Hardcastle, dean of the School of Social Welfare, explained that school's 3.54 GPA by saying that as an upper-level school, social welfare could be expected to have a higher GPA—although other upper-class schools had far lower GPA's.
And, Hardcastle said, the social welfare school demands a 2.75 GPA in social welfare courses for graduation, which, although slightly above the overall University level, is still significantly lower than the school's GPA. The school's GPA increased over the last year from 3.36 to 3.54.
But we heed the warning of Del Brinkman, dean of the School of Journalism, who said, "Statistics are interesting but they have a million interpretations"—which returns us to the possibility that college students simply are less able these days.
THERE IS evidence to support that: the continuing decline in college admissions test scores, for example. And those interested in primary and secondary education across the country are clamoring for a return to basic education, apparently with some justification for their concern that students are promoted through the grades toward their high school degrees mainly for social reasons.
Whatever the underlying reasons for the reversal of steadily increasing grades, those with envious GPA's can hoard those glided grades from the past, knowing that grade deflation, if it continues, will protect the value of their possession.
And those of us who contributed to the decline—well, we consider it a public service.
The state of California, which used to confine its penchant for trend-setting to matters such as hot tubes and encounter groups, unveiled this summer a troublesome little movement that is quickly becoming a troublesome big movement.
The movement is named after the state referendum that spawned it—Proposition 13. Operating under the guise of a tax revolt, it will, among other things, reduce local property taxes in California by more than 50 percent, limit growth of future property values, primarily leave government with the sticky problem of operating without enough money.
Kansans copy latest California fad
The movement's leader, a conservative 75-year-old California eccentric named Howard Jarvis, described it as "A new revolution . . . The people is going to run the government and the government is not going to run the people."
HIS GRAMMAR notwithstanding, Jarvis is on to something. Similar movements are already catching fire in other states, and this being an election year, politicians are falling all over themselves in their haste to line up on the winning side.
The latest politician to bite the hook is none other than Gov. Robert F. Bennett, who recently presented his own tax policy and proposed a platform Planning Committee. His program would establish a constitutional property tax on local governments, and would require a two-thirds majority vote by the legislature to raise either state sales or income taxes.
Of course, that is precisely what they are. Given that their livelihoods depend on providing the public what it wants, politicians and citizens must have them. And right now, tax cuts and lower government spending sell. Why, even the House of Representatives, never known for its penny-pinching ways, recently voted to freeze taxes in voters. Obviously, something is going on here.
It didn't take long for the Democrats to respond. The campaign manager for House Speaker John Carlin, Bennett's Democratic opposition in this year's gubernatorial race, called Bennett's proposals "a political charade."
UNFORTUNATELY, it seems to be going the wrong way. The tax burden in this country is without question distributed unfairly, falling mostly on workers and the middle class. Government spending is obviously wasteful in many areas. Taxpayers, who have been faced with supporting these initiatives, are often angry. But by venting their anger through Proposition 13 and similar initiatives, they are doing nothing but injuring themselves.
Proposition 13 will slash California real estate taxes by more than $8 billion, but only a third of that saving will go to the homeowners who supported the referendum. The
No one yens for the dollar
In 18 months, the value of the United States currency has plummeted from just under 300 yen to the dollar less than 300
levels of government, but that load had slipped to 14 percent by 1974. Meanwhile, the tax share provided by personal income taxes rose from 31 to 40 percent.
N. Y. Times Feature
Those figures, combined with the increasing practice by local and state governments of expanding tax credits to large businesses, might partially explain the increasing burden on the individual tax-
Bv ERIC W. HAYDEN
To understand what has happened to the yen-dollar relationship requires an appreciation of two basic factors that have been at
A TAX BREAK for the individual is required to do a significant mental reform to eliminate waste and from a reform of the tax structure that places a substantially large tax burden on corpora-
TOKYO--Since the beginning of last year, the battering of the dollar on world exchange markets has been most dramatic against
SECOND, THE YEN, seen as a good bet for further strengthens, has been purchased in equally huge amounts by the
The dollar's vulnerability has stemmed from lack of confidence in the ability of the United States to redress its persistently poor trade performance, its worsening inflation rate, and its declining position of international economic leadership.
But most destructive for the dollar, however, has been the deterioration in the United State's trade position—from a modest deficit of $2.3 billion in 1971 to one which this year seems destined to op last year's $31 billion record.
First, the dollar, perceived as vulnerable, has been sold in massive quantities by speculators, central banks and international
UNDER THESE conditions, the international monetary system has once again witnessed a heavy flight out of the dollar.
While the recent run has led to the strengthening of all major currencies, it has been the Japanese yen in which the majority of
The principal reason again lies in the trade figures—this time Japan's.
Until that time taxpayers, driven by anger over their increasing financial burden, will be prey on the rhetoric of politicization as a way to vote out by advocacy fashionable policies.
DESPITE JAPANESE promises to limit exports and substantially increase imports, their trade surplus has spirared month after month and, at the June halfway mark, was running at twice last year's historic high.
Meanwhile, the current account surplus—which includes trade
as well as service - threatens, at its present pace, to triple the level recently urged by Prime Minister Fukuda.
In this environment, dollar sellers have rushed into yen, betting that any official intervention by Japan to defend its undervalued currency would be met by harsh international political reaction and ultimately fail.
Hence, even though Japanese exports this year have been more or less flat in yen terms, they have soared in dollar terms. While it has done nothing to help the yen profits of Japanese companies, it has caused havoc with the country's trade figures—and
however, there are signs for hope. On a trade weighted basis, the dollar has fallen more than to offset the United States in the
EXPORT CONTRACTS of its largest trading houses have begun to decline precipitously in yen terms—and flatten in dollar terms—suggesting that most Japanese goods are becoming too expensive for overseas buvers.
Similarly, it would appear that Japan is beginning at long last to feel the impact of ven anorection.
Furthermore, the United States' June exports were the highest monthly figures in history, a strong indication that the dollar depreciation has finally begun to help the international competitiveness of American-made goods.
If these signs continue—and the wide gap between the American and Japanese trade figures mounts—the dollar-dollar turnback should happen. These surprise statements
What the future holds for the international currency markets is also good. But with one more major rip in the armor, the dollar's value is likely to rise.
The basis of a European currency built around the West German mark is in the works.
Meanwhile, Japan's coming of age as a major international economic entity will certainly intensify pressure for the evolution of Japanese manufacturing.
Eric W. Hayden is vice president, Asia division, of the Bank of America, based in Tokyo.
THOSE AREAS are the real tax villains, rather than social programs such as welfare that have smaller budgets and are less wasteful, for those are the areas that drain taxpayers a portion of the taxpayer's money, either directly or through federal subsidy to industry.
So as this taxpayers revolts adopt a national scale, those in the vanguard of the movement would do well to look at the Pentagon's terribly wasteful $120 billion budget, or the increasing tax breaks given to corporations, for possible tax relief.
In addition, since World War II corporations in this country have received a long series of tax preferences that have reduced their impact into national coffers.
those taxpayers who supported the referendum most.
in 2009, corporate taxes provided as percent of the total revenue be required to
remainder will go to corporate owners of apartment houses and commercial property. No wonder big money interests were so enamored of Proposition 13.
In addition, part of Proposition 13's charm for some was its promise of cutting taxes by eliminating welfare and other unpopular social programs that the public perceived as wasteful. Unfortunately, it will also produce cutbacks in other public services such as education, police and fire protection, and health, areas that will eventually hit hard
Med students would rather fight than switch rules during game
To the editor:
This letter is an attempt to clarify the medical students' reasons for bringing suit to the court.
Before March 1978, the total medical school tuition at the University of Kansas Medical Center was set at $4,500 for 36 months with annual fees of $1,500.
During the session of the 1978 Kansas Legislature, a bill was introduced concernin-
g a case against the Bankruptcy Act.
The bill proposed to raise tuition considerably, but offered the students free tuition in exchange for agreement to practice medicine one year for each year of free tuition. The bill would set $300 in annual stipend if one agreed to serve in an underserved area of Kansas.
Thereafter, the Board of Regents more than doubled our tuition. Our opinion is that this increase was a response to the legislature's request to protect the reents nower to assess fees.
One regulated statement that if the scholarship did not become law, the tuition raised would not be allowed. Rep. Mike Hayden, R-Atwood, passed both senators and signed into law by Gov. Robert F. Bennut.
After this, the tuition provisions were dropped from the bill in the legislature.
Now we wish to clarify the reasoning behind the lawsuit.
Our objection is to the legality of the tuition raise for currently enrolled students, which in effect affords them no alternative but to enlist in this program.
The students recognize that this new scholarship program is a potentially effective means of attracting new physicians to the underserved areas of our state.
- Tuition has been raised from $4,500 to $12,000 for the three and four year programs. For those in the three year program, which includes 80 percent of current medical students, this amounts to payments of $4,000 a year, a $2,000 increase.
- This is our contention because:
- *ne maximum amount allowed for student loans is $5,000 a year and $15,000 total, which is inadequate to cover room, board, supplies and tuition unless the student has outside sources of income. Most students' families cannot afford such an increase.
- We were given a fee schedule when we were accepted into medical school, which outlined—to the dollar—all our tuition payments for the duration of our tenure. A few students even paid the entire tuition in advance.
- No other areas of the state's educational services have had comparable increases. We believe that the purpose of the medical school increase was to placate the legislator by coercing the students to sign up for their program.
Our position is not one of opposition to a program intended to alleviate the Kansas medical care situation, and justification for nearly tripling the tuition of students already committed to obtaining their medical education at KU and thus not accorded the luxury of a
Future classes will know what they are
UNIVERSITY DAILY letters KANSAN
Sharon Prohaska
getting into and will be able to plan accordingly.
Sharon Ponaska
President, Medical Student Assembly
KU Medical Center
We medical students are not trying to duck out of a program which seeks to alleviate a very important problem—the need for Kansas—we merely claim the right of choice.
To the editor:
Since I moved into my new room in Termini Hall, I have gotten four unexpected calls, asking information about fall registration, Robinson Gymnasmium recreation
For your information, call 3506, not 2506
hours, and KU bus routes. One of the calls woke me up at 6:20 one morning.
Though this particular experience seems somewhat funny to most of us, I keep wondering about other (if not too many) unwanted phone calls I will have to answer in the next couple of weeks until those who were misinformed and others who are new corners to KU find out that the CENTER PHONE NUMBER IS: 864-306-1949. Ah, I hate to discourage fellow students who really want reliable information from the KU Information Center but who have wrongly dialed my phone number.
As a jayhawk, I will give any information I know about KU to anyone asking for assistance. My problem is that I am also as ignorant as jayhawks about the content of this bite nest.
August Kafiar
August Katiar Indonesian graduate student (864-2506)
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY
KANSAN
A Pacemaker award winner
Kansan Telephone Numbers
Newroom--864-4810
Business Office--864-4358
Published at the University of Kansas daily August through May and Monday through Thursday. All prices are valid on purchases of $7 or more in Douglas County, and $1 for six months on purchases of $7 or more in Douglass County. Prices are subject to change without notice. Prices may vary by location. Please contact the university for more information.
Managing Editor Jerry Sass
Campus Editor Barrry Mason
Associate Campus Editor Barrry Mason
Assistant Campus Editors Morgan Edison
Associate Magazine Editor Sports Editor
Associate Sports Editor Bennett
Copy Chief Laurie Daniel, Carol Hunter, Paula Southeland
Editorial Manager Allen Holder, Mel Kearn
Wire Editors Leland Walker, John Whitelands, Dire Steimel, Matt Miller
Editorial Writers Wait Braun, Alien Holder, Tara Manners
Photographers Trish Lewis, Alain Zlokov
Staff Writers John Thistler, Bill Bray
Editorial Consultant David Miller
Staff Artists Linda Word, Milton Gray
Business Manager Don Green
Associate Business Manager Karen Wendengt
Associate Hosts Melissa Haller
Promotion Manager Michel Smith, Allen Blair, Tom Collins
Advertising Manager Mel Smith, Allen Blair, Tom Collins
Advertising Manager Lennie Chandler
Classification Manager Lennie Chandler
Assistant Classified Manager Ann Bohl
Photographer Steve Folsom, Lir Hotchkiss
General Manager Rick Musey
Editorial Editor Barry Mason
Admin Browerman Brian Settle
Dirick Steimel Mellon Funston
Morgan Edison Mary-Anne Divoeck
Mary Annie Divoeck
Nancy Dresser Bennett
Laurie Daniel, Carol Hunter, Paula Southeland
Mary Thorntouch, Pauline Hollander
Allen Holder, Pam Ekey
Larry Holder, John Whitlesands, Dire Steimel
Walt Braun, Alien Holder, Tara Manners
Trish Lewis, Alain Zlokov
John Thistler, Bill Bray
David Miller
Linda Word, Milton Gray