UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN editorials
Unsigned editorials represent the opinion of the Kansan
editorialist. Signed columns represent the views of
policy writers.
August 28,1978
Tax revolt on the prowl
The specter of Proposition 13 offi- cally has rolled to Kansas.
Clad mockingly in a snow white sheepskin to conceal its identity, the animal, lean and fit from a fresh kill in California, made its way across the plains of western Kansas and suddenly appeared in Topeka.
Its growth and roars were mighty and echoed across the state, but it was being led on a leash by none other than Gov. Robert F. Bennett. Respondent in a matching snow white Stetson, he stroked his bristly face, and proudly introduced the creature to the State Republican Party Platform Planning Committee. It was a tax policy program, and among other things, he said, it would establish a constitutional property tax limit on local governments.
In addition, Bennett's proposed constitutional admittments would require a two-thirds majority vote by the Legislature to raise either state sales or income taxes and force the Legislature to adopt spending limitations. Also, the governor called for an amendment allowing him to cut appropriations, which would be added to his current line item veto nower.
Bennett hopes that his proposals will finally tame the free-spending Legislature, and head off a general state tax increase. Sounds like a fine campaign platform in any book, especially to the average taxpayer.
It's that kind of philosophy, when fed
to voters with a few spoonfuls of honey, that produces results. Ask any politician in California. So understandably, Democrats leveled their heavy artillery at Bennett and his pet.
"Unbelievable," House Speaker John Carlin, Bennett's Democratic opponent in this year's gubernatorial race, called the tax proposals. Carlin's campaign manager termed them "a political charade," noting that the governor had long opposed a property tax lid.
But the governor's message is clear, and Democrats and Republicans alike know it, fear it and wish it would go away. Taxes have long been campaign fodder, but this year is different.
Although the effects of Proposition 13 are still unclear in California, the fallout from the Jarvis timebomb has drifted to Kansas, and nothing seems immune from it—not even higher education.
Already Chancellor Archie R. Dykes has predicted that this year will be the toughest for KU's budget since he became chancellor.
Although it was inevitable that the beast would appear, and some might argue that it had pawled here for some time, Bennett's proposals unmuzzled it and guaranteed that its growls will be heard this fall. Kansas voters will do well to look beyond its sound and fury and consider its impact.
A sensible pre-enrollment system at the University of Kansas seems about as far away as a Big 8 football championship for the Jayhawks.
In the meantime, I think, the present enrollment system ought to be jazped up a bit. The new technology is
Stakes high in 'Enrollment Game'
After watching some daytime television this summer, I've come up with the perfect idea to cure those enrollment blues. The administration could pattern enrollment after one of those ever popular game shows. I can see it now.
A small man wearing a three-piece-suit, glasses and a toothy smile, steps out from the curtains. With a brief礼仪处理 to allow her to come inside, she returns to master of ceremonies begins his monologue.
Hoch Auditorium is dark and stuffy. The standing-room-only crowd is buzzing with anticipation. Suddenly the KU Band strikes up the Jawhawk fight song and a voice from the loudspeaker says, "It's time to play the gameplay Game 78." The crowd goes wild.
Spotlights hit center stage and the booming voice says, "And now the host of our show and chancellor of the University of Oxford calls Dykes." Once again the crowd goes wild.
"Hello all you Jayhawks," he says with a slight Tennessee draw, "and welcome back to Mount Oread. As you know, this is "The Enrollment Game." The game where you
Powerful foes threaten tax reform
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By PAUL CRAIG ROBERTS
WASHINGTON-These are dangerous times for the taximeter. Revolts do not always succeed. They often fail, and in the event of a fall, the taximeter can come out a net loser.
On a national level, taxpayers are an uncertain political force. Their vast numbers and different positions in the tax system make it particularly difficult to organize. Their dispersal across all congressional districts prevents them from becoming the special interests of specific politicians. In a system built to accommodate those who as a group have no political patron.
"Inflation is the cruelest tax of all," introne the Treasury's men. Less visible but more powerful opponents of the taxpayer are: one, congressional spending com-
Taxpayers have powerful opponents. One is the Internal Revenue Service, whose interest is to collect more taxes, not less. Whenever there is any prospect of taxes being cut, the Treasury Department visibly worries about deficits.
mitttees that want more taxes, not fewer; to hand out; two, constituencies that are the organized recipients of the handouts; and three, federal agencies that thrive on administering the congressional spending balliwicks.
Skillful opponents of tax reduction can divide the taxpayers with proposals to shift the tax burden instead of reducing it. This is not good advice, according to the name of tax reform to help the poor.
Tax reform to help the poor is easy because the poor do not pay any taxes. IRS statistics show that in 1978 the bottom 50 percent of taxpayers paid $27 billion the total personal income taxes. With only 6 percent of the money, the government could buy half of the taxpayers' votes. This half, plus the millions who have already been dropped from the tax rolls as a result of the 1978 reform, led the 1970 to 1975 period, could vote themselves benefits for which they do not have to pay.
The IRS is a great supporter of tax reform. The tax men are quick to point out that tax cuts in the lower brackets can be paid for by closing loopholes. This looks on
the surface like a fair swap with no net gain to the IRS. In reality, it is a cleverly designed tax increase. In our system of progressive income tax rates, shifting the burden upward means increasing it, because inflation continually moves people out of lower brackets, which were not, and into higher brackets, which were not.
With 56 percent of the taxpayers paying practically no taxes on their money incomes, the IRS is attempting to recoup by increasing taxes and thus the campaign against tax loopholes.
Whether taxes are cut or reformed will be determined by the outcome of the political fight over handout power. What can be done to stop federal tax rates cannot be handed out by congressional spending committees and federal agencies. Tax reform stripped of sanctimonious talk is nothing but a move toward handout power of the tax-writing committees.
That does not mean that the rest of us are unaffected by the outcome. If the private sector cannot form capital, it cannot provide jobs. The legislative and executive departments have done so because it means more federally created jobs, public works and government spending. Pork barrel legislation builds the spending constitutencies and welfare dependencies of Congress and the executive branch, so there is more patronage for individual politicians.
Tax reform masquerades as equity for the poor, while furthering the growth of political elites. The need to protect their wearers and the hand-me-downs of political life. Over time, every ruling class is discredited by failures, but the mask that conceals the self-interest of government endures.
Paul Craig Roberts, a member of the Senate staff, is a senior research fellow at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace, Stanford University, and an adjunct professor of economics at George Mason University, Fairfax, Va.
"Now George, all you have to do is walk up to the revolving sunflower, give a good smile, and keep moving."
The curtains are slowly drawn back revealing a huge neon sunflower. On each of the petals a major is written in crimson and blue glitter.
Being a healthy young farm boy, this is no problem for George and the sunflower is set.
can have fun while taking a chance at your future."
"With a little luck you may come up with a usable major like business or engineering," the chancellor says, "but there's always a chance of ending up with basket weaving or even a major in Lebanese culture with a required field trip to Beiu. at."
"OK George," the host says, "the first part of our game is called pick your maker."
Graie Schmidt, a junior from Pretty Prairie, Kansas. COME ON DOWN."
The sunflower slows and George begins to bite his nails. Past chemistry, ceramics and Croton languages, the arrow finally points squarely at mortuary science.
"But I always get a fever and break out in hives at funerals," George protests.
"Too bad, besides you'll have people just dying to use your services. Ha, ha, ha."
"Look George, mortuary science, I guess you'll have to get used to some old stuff."
George looks a bit upset, but soon his
late returns are over. He did a full-ride
seat at the back of the bus.
"Now," Dykes says, "it's time to let the audience get in on the show. We polled our students and they voted on which classes we should do. They'll be less likely your classes will match your major."
George is also given a consolation prize of two free Joe's bakeery runs and an expense prize of three free Joe's bakeery runs.
But luck is not on George's aide that day and he ends up taking classes and a dance.
The lights fade. The announcer reads the credits and thanks the state of Kansas for the support.
Solar power appeal outshines safety concerns
The once boring enrollment at Allen Field House is only a memory.
Initial plans for the station describe a satellite that, at 72 square miles in size, is larger than all of Manhattan. Atbitten at 23,300 miles above the earth, the satellite would contain more than a billion solar-energy collecting panels designed to catch sunlight unhindered by night, clouds or smog.
Sounds like a wonderful solution, right?
Once collected, the sunlight would be converted to microwaves and beamed back to Earth, where it would be caught in a 5- by 7/8-mile wide receiving antennas. A power plant would then convert the microwaves to electricity, which supposedly could then be used to solve the nation's energy problems.
Representatives Dan Glickman and Larry Winn were two of 12 initial congressional sponsors of the Solar Power Technology and Development Act of 1978, a bill that would fund research to study the feasibility of a Satellite Power Station.
While construction of a nuclear generating station near Burlington is proceeding with the blessing of Kansas governmental leaders, at least two Kansas representatives are supporting yet another dubious energy plan.
English proved a breeze. So many courses jumped out at me that I could not decide what to take. But while I scratched my head over the German table, the line for Chemistry 184 seemed to grow to over a mile long. I resolved to plant myself in it, imitating, and found that it took just one and a half hours to react the chemistry table.
Well, not exactly.
The opposition is well-founded. The satellite has more problems than Jimmy Carter. Aside from the sturdiness of the equipment, the cost of technology alone would come to $40 to $80 billion, and Peter Glaser, the MIT professor who originated the idea, estimates the production cost at between 7 and $15 billion for each station—the danger from the use of microwaves is
In a recent New York magazine series, science writer Paul Brodeur outlined the dangers of microwaves, in which they can cause cataracts. Each SSPS will produce a huge channel of microwaves beaming through the atmosphere, and much of it is bound to be lost and misdirected in transit. Needless to say, you don't want to be spending much time around those
Pretenses of civilization disappear in Allen Field House pandemonium
By KATIE CONBOY
Guest Writer
7:28 a.m.—Allen Field House slowly filled with students, steam and sweat; but bright, burnt countenances shone with fresh enthusiasm.
Old friends greeted one another gaily, and as flushed faces waited for the clock to strike 8, they realized it would be a long time before the hands of the clock once again slowed to meet the sturds of their legs. The semester bordered on beginning and I found myself not yet ready to face the greatest challenge in enrollment at the University of Kansas.
going to the full Senate here, one solar lobbyist said last week, it faces "serious opposition."
Enrollment appeared easy enough, but looks can be deceptive.
The research bill for the station passed the House by a wide margin last month and is now being considered by the Senate.
Another problem with the station, but one that has utility
8 a.m.—The sign flashed up. “Now enrolling: Co-Ca.” That was me, if I could only push my way through the crowd. My Timetable dropped to the floor and dozens of people walked in. The crowd jumped to those feet urged tense bodies and anxious minds towards the entrance entrance.
I held my breath, grateful for the 10-pound weight loss I had accomplished over the past three months of many stamps to come. I acquired several meaningless stamps, the dean's approval and a stern warning to pull cards only for one reason — to return me my way; Allen Field House was all mine.
companies drooling, is that the satellites would enable utilities to maintain centralized control of energy sources, blunting the promise of decentralized solar energy available to individuals.
But like the nuclear power industry before it, the proposal offers a perfect example of big risks vs. big profits. The government chose to go with the big profits once, and as the results of the vote can only be hoped that the same mistake is not made again.
The government already has put $12 million into the project for research. The satellite act offers to some the hope of a final energy solution, and that, combined with the pressures from the aerospace industry, which wants the fat company to make the money from companies, which would like to maintain control of energy outlets, makes the bill an attractive proposition to some.
As for Glickman, the existence of a large Boeing plant in his home district in Wichita could be explanation. Aerospace industries such as Boeing and Rockwell International stand to reap the largest profits from government contracts on the project and because of that have been for further development of the space energy collector.
But where Glickman and Winn figure in all this is uncertain. Both were unavailable for comment, but an aide in Winn's Washington office said the representative was "concerned with exploring various energy alternatives."
However, as the table finally materialized in the distance, a professor silenced our commotion to announce that he was sorry, but all chemistry lab sections had closed. What good could two-thirds of the class do me?
Of course, the battle was only half over because the department informed me that I would be in a laboratory section. The people around me were in the same boat, and having all become friends at this point, the prospect of another wait together was real.
11:25 a.m. - Having circled the building three times, I decided that Western Civilization must be located at another university. No one was westerly or northwest of me, so I enrolled. I found myself convinced that the only intelligent people at KU were majoring in Slavic languages. That was the only table without a line. But I finally found an Eastern table, staring me right in the face and asking me another lovely line to become a part of.
I resigned myself to the fact that I would forset lunch for this crazy maze. Classes were nothing more than a NASA space diet. I trudged to further tables, leaving in my dust those who should have stopped earlier in these directions of over-exertion and hypertension.
To some people, getting all their desired classes was a challenge. "Five down, one to
FINISHED! !-or so I thought.
go," I thought aloud as I approached the biology station. I had my instructor been there, he might have received a kiss, for after advising me on the class, he had pulled the card for me, and it waited in a personalized, sealed envelope.
1:43 p.m. m-1 had now been enrolling through 11 shifts of incoming students. I struggled forward to station nine, where my class cards were carefully scrutinized and rearranged. I received the command to progress to the next station.
Station 10 had lost 47 students at that point, who all signed their lives away, checks made payable to the University of Kansas. My heart felt heavy, and my wallet felt light, but I remembered that I had the Mastercharge. My unfortunate father had the Visa. My Mastercharge and my sister the Visa. He never could handle such a big shock at once.
At that point, I would have signed anything in order to leave the building.
My self-winding watch has stopped. My feet sit soaking in water, my ribs exhibit grotesque bruises from enrolment's arrest. My hands are ached from searching for courses to add.
I don't want to contemplate the bookstore for a long time, but I fear I must. I shall never enroll again. At least, not until next semester.
Katie Conboy is a Leavenworth junior majoring in English.
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KANSAN
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