4
Thursday, November 29,1973
University Daily Kansan
KANSAN Editorials, columns and letters published on this page reflect only the opinions of the writers.
Secret Society: Whose 'Betterment?"
The existence of a secret fraternity, Pachacamac, was disclosed by the University Daily Kansan yesterday.
The secret society reportedly is "influential in the formulation of University policy and in student government" at KU. Furthermore, former KU Chancellor E. Laurence Chalmers Jr. was a member of Pachacamac, according to one source.
How much influence Pachacamac has over University policy or the Student Senate, if any, isn't yet clear. Nor are the society's goals, except that the group reportedly is "dedicated to the betterment of KU and the fraternal system."
But this secret society's idea of betterment might not appeal to all. It didn't seem to appeal to one fraternity leader, who accused the group of using underhanded methods to achieve its goals.
In a year filled with conspiracies and surreptitious activities, the mere suggestion of a clandestine group of men, viewing themselves as the creme de la creme, and attempting to assert influence over democratic bodies, is cause for suspicion if not full investigation of the allegations.
If Pachacamac members want to work toward the improvement of the social fraternity system at KU, so be it. If they want to help improve the University, their efforts would surely be welcomed by administrators, if in fact they are "the best of the best."
But there is little justification for taking on such tasks in secrecy, especially if those tasks involve the senate and the allocation of funds.
More serious is the claim that a chancellor would consent to join such an organization and to submit to somewhat less than distinguished initiation ceremonies "outside of town."
The story didn't reveal the identities or occupations of Pacachacam members for obvious reasons. Are they all students? Or are some of these men alumni who have become successful and influential businessmen? And how many are administrators?
The image of the bow-tied former chancellor becomes tarnished when linked to the "hokey" ceremony conducted by hooded fraternity men.
Who are they and what's in it for them?
-Linda Hales
Arab Blackmail
Already the Arabs' economic blackmail has seriously affected the economies of the prime allies of the United States and has altered the pattern of life in America.
After failing on the diplomatic and military fronts, the Arabs have reported to their last weapon which God, in His dubious wisdom, placed under the Arab sands.
Regulation of huge quantities of oil is the Arabs' trump card and they are dealing it with daring and determination to a Western world already pinched by fuel shortages.
President Nixon told the nation last week that even if the Arabs abandoned oil restrictions, the United States must still face shortages this year.
The economies of Britain and Japan are paralyzed mostly from the Arab's oil hijinks. And serious problems are creeping into the U.S. economy with the potential for creating hardships for the American people.
So far the manifestations of the oil restrictions aren't critical for Americans. We are told to drive a little slower and reduce our heat, which is no great sacrifice. But these measures might be only an indication of disastrous future events.
Aside from the problems of unheated homes and transportation breakdowns, U.S. officials are afraid that lack of fuel
for factories might cause crippling unemployment, a restraint on the economy and, ultimately, a depression.
Nixon, after shutting across the continent several times in the last few weeks in his fuel-gobbling jets, told Americans that they must adopt a more spartan way of life and make the necessary small sacrifices.
But the future remains clouded with doubts about the ability of the United States to improve its energy predicament. We might give in to the Arabs and force Israel to return to pre-1967 borders or wait on the Arabs' slender mercy. But such choices are either outrageous or unpromising.
Nixon assures us that nobody will presently suffer real hardship as a result of the fuel shortage. But he was unavoidably not very encouraging about future possibilities and his assurances were about as cheering as the feminist's remark to Woody Allen in "Bananas" that women's liberation doesn't necessarily mean castration.
There is no easy method for covering up a crisis. Ultimately alternative sources of fuel must be found to avoid economic blackmail. It is unfortunate that the efficiency of free trade is so ruthlessly hampered by the political vindictiveness of one block of nations.
Bill Gibson
Response to Crisis Urged
Reader Responds
We suggest that you start with this newspaper. Why aren't there places to deposit the newspaper after it has been used? The majority it appears, never leave the campus and wind up in the trash to be burned rather than recycled.
It's time we got away from the "engineering mentality" and began
The answer isn't, as you have suggested, for students to write shorter letters to the editor and limit the flow and interchange of ideas between the readers. But a solution would be to begin taking steps to recycle the paper.
We are of the opinion that the University is one of the few institutions left that can become involved in preventive solutions to these problems.
Lisa Long
Valley Falls补景
Alan Kienbonoff
Wichita city
becoming more conscious of what we are doing
By BILL RICHARDS The Washington Post
At a time when this country's natural resources are being threatened, the important question is: Will our institutions become aware and responsive to the problem in time to prevent some kind of future disaster?
Wichita junior
Energy Crisis Won't Bother Amish
PARADISE, Pa.—Others may quibble over the real or imagined threat of an energy crisis but here in Paradise, home of the Old Order Amish sect, the question is
Zook's clientele, most of them also Amish like himself, arrive in horse-drawn buggies to browse among belts of somber-hued fabrics. You can make a small batch of big metal waltz tube that fill the store.
Perhaps more than anybody else, the Amish, who shun such frivolities as the electric light, aren't troubled by the current fuel shortage.
"Energy crisis?" asked Henry Zook, adjusting a meticulously arrayed display of brooms near the front of his Red Rose general store here. "What energy crisis?"
When Zook and his wife, Elizabeth, purchased the store last year, they immediately ordered the electricity taken out and in their kitchen, where they switched off equipment and removed the previous owner's display of electrical kitchen gadgets from the window.
mostats to conserve fuel, the Zoaks and some 20,000 other Amish who live between this small rural community and the Maryland border 20 miles to the south are honing their axes and filling oil lamps to prepare for another long chilly winter.
To the Editor:
pride and make members more concerned for their neighbors.
While the rest of the world lowers ther-
- "They are somewhat symbolic of the simple life they feel God intended them to.
Under the rules of the Old Order Amish religion, the strictest of 25 Menonite sects, members are prohibited from owning automobiles, though not from riding in them. They may use battery-powered electric carriage carriage lamps and gas for their vehicles, but they are forbidden to hook up to outside electrical or telephone lines.
"Not much worry about miles to the gallon around these parts," declared Mrs. Zook, a short, plump woman with twinkling eyes, and wearing a deep purple dress.
Amish have populated this rolling farmland since 1740. Nearly all operate small farms in the same spartan fashion as their ancestors.
A spokesman in the Mennonite Central Committee in Akron, Pa., about 10 miles east of here, the strict Old Order Amish rules were designed to prevent greed and
"You have to draw the line somewhere," said Mr. Zook. "If we all had cars and electricity we'd be right back where the rest of the world is now and who wants that?"
There is an undercurrent among the Amish here of vindication after more than 200 years of spartan living. Members of the Amish community have reported in newspaper headlines reporting a surge in
sales of long johns and wood stoves in preparation for this winter's fuel crisis.
"The closest thing to an energy crisis here is the rising cost of oats," said Daniel Mankel, 29, a year-old Amish farmer who tills his 80 acres of land and of an aging brown horse named Stoney.
"it's the rest of the world that's in trouble, not us," said Fisher. "Why, the way things have gone, the roads aren't fit to drive a horse on any more."
Nevertheless, Fisher and his fellow Amish are experiencing a twinge of uneasiness at the prospect of continued rising prices for diesel fuel and propane.
The Amish farmers are allowed to use the fuel to run electric generators that pump slage into the tail silos that do their farms, and the old Pennsylvania Duxhix symbol signs.
Priority for scarce propane supplies was to farmers and other rural consumers in the region, as well as the program. Authorization was also given for price controls on propane, but they have not been implemented.
Most Amish have dropped their forebears' reliance on the woodpecker as the sole source of energy and burn coal and propane in their stoves for heat.
The price of bottled gas has jumped 11 cents a gallon in recent months here and the country as a whole.
"IF YOU HAVE ANY COMPLAINTS, JUST SPEAK INTO THE OPENING!"
"If I lost that," he said with a reflective tug at his beard, "I'd have to milk them all by hand. I haven't done that since I was a little kid."
“I’s really kind of difficult to think of things in terms of miles per hour,” said Jacob Esh, as he unhitched his team after a day of blowing his 48-acre farm just south of the buggy, where you were and come home. That’s all there is to it.”
Fisher uses a generator to run the milking machine for his 35 holstein cows.
Such inconveniences, however, are hardly viewed as catastrophic in an area where a traffic jam can be six mules and a bay wagon clip-clopping at sunset followed by a line of impatient horse-drawn buggies.
The only sounds that disturb the stillness of the barnyard behind Esh's compact white frame house are the rustle of the late african elephant and the stomping of the horse's hooves.
"We know this is the best way and no one's losing sleep over an energy crisis," he said. "Our power comes from on high."
Kansan Staff Reporter
Ups, Downs Mark McGovern Trail
"I felt I could change the course of history," the young South Dakota said when he first ran for a seat in the House of Representatives in 1956.
The next two decades gave George McGovern ample opportunity to change history—during two terms in the House, a cabinet-level post, successful and unsuccessful Senate campaigns and two ill-fated campaigns for the presidency.
Bv ROY CLEVENGER
"He is a quiet, decent man who offered nothing so much as the promise of belief," wrote McGovern's official biographer, John Anson, in "McGovem: a Biography."
McGovern, now the senior senator from South Dakota, will lecture on "Beyond the Watergate" at 6 p.m. Friday in the Kansas University. His speech is sponsored by SUA Forums.
George Stanley McGovern was born July 19, 1922, in Avon, SDA. The son of a Wesleyan Methodist minister, he grew up in nearby Mitchell, a town of about 17,000 people.
He attended Dakota Wesleyan University in Mitchell and ranked in the top 10 per cent of his class. He was the school's best student, president of his class three years in a row.
He flew B24 bombers for the U.S. Army in World War II and received the Air Medal and Distinguished Flying Cross for successfully landing crippled aircraft.
MegGovern finished his studies at Dakota Wesleyan and entered Garrett Theological Seminary in Evanston, Ill. His interest in American history led to a Ph.D. in history government at Northwestern University. He graduated nagium cum laude.
In 1956 McGovern sought a seat in the House of Representatives and defeated four-term incumbent Republican Harold Lovre by 12,000 votes. He became the first Democratic representative from South Dakota in 20 years.
He returned to Dakota Wesleyan in 1951 to teach history. Two years later he became the executive secretary of the Democratic party in South Dakota and helped rebuild the party after its near destruction in the 1982 state elections.
He became a member of the House Education and Labor Committee, and
In 1960 McGovern sought the Senate seat of Carl Mundt in what the Soux Falls newspaper, the Argus-Leader, called "the greatest campaign in South Dakota history."
McGovern later admitted that he had lost his sense of balance during the campaign and that his negativism had helped contribute to his defeat by 15,000 votes.
President-elect John F. Kennedy in late 1960 appointed McGovern as the first director of the Food for Peace program, which was designed to help feed starving people and to distribute surplus commodities. McGovern worked to cut through the red tape of existing governmental programs and to initiate programs in South America and Asia. He unsuccessfully lobbied for distribution of surplus wheat to Communist China.
drafted bills to provide increased benefits for farmers and federal grants teachers
In 1958 McGovern was opposed by Joe Foss, two-term incumbent governor and recipient of Congressional Medal of Honor for his service. Foss unpopular because of a recent increase in property taxes, "traded heavily on his valor as a war hero," Ansson said, and lost by
McGovenn resigned the post in 1962, after a series of bureaucratic squabbles with cabinet members, and ran again for the Senate.
He defeated South Dakota Atty. Gen. Joe Bottum by about 500 votes after his original opponent died of a heart attack early in the campaign.
He began to frequently express opposition to the war in September 1963, although he voted in favor of the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution. He also intends to intend his vote to be an endorsement of military intervention in Vietnam. He also voted for military appropriations bills that funded supplies for troops in Southeast Asia on the ground that the supplies were needed for the war.
Mgovern became one of the most active freshmen senators and the first critic of the government.
The main campaign issues were farm problems and McGovern's alleged prosecution.
McGovern called the war "the most
Griff and the Unicorn
bv Sokoloff
tragic diplomatic and moral failure in the nation's history."
He sponsored several amendments to cut off all funds for the war and in September 1970 told his colleagues, "Every senator in this chamber is partly responsible for sending 50,000 Americans to an early grave. This chamber reefs of blood."
In the spring of 1867, he openly broke political ties with President Lyndon B. Johnson. McGovern called Johnson "a tortured and confused man" and attacked what he called Johnson's "policy of madness."
McGovern opposed the draft and space exploration and supported urban renewal, housing, mass transit and model cities in education and environmental projects.
McGovern became a member of the Agriculture and Forest Committee and the Interior Committee and became chairman of subcommittees on Indian affairs, nutrition and agricultural credit and rural electrification.
"It is hypocrisy to a youngster to jail for marti juna while making rich men out of those who sell cancer in a pack of cigarettes," he said.
McGovern conducted an 18-day campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination in August 1968 after the assassination of Sen. Robert Kennedy, D-N.Y. He told his supporters that he had a "sense of history" that would enable him to fulfill the role Kennedy had played.
He considered leading a dump Johnson drive in 1967 but finally recommended Sen. Eugene McCarthy, D-N.H., for the job. That start of McCarthy's presidential campaign
After the convention he was named chairman of the Democratic Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection. In April 1970 the commission established guidelines for selection of convention delegates.
Early in his Senate term he urged decriminalization of the use of marihuana
McGovern faced a tough re-election battle in his own state in 1968 but defeated former Gov. Archie Gubbrud by winning 57 per cent of the votes.
In March 1969 he became the first senator to break with President Richard M. Nixon's Vietnam policy, and he also stressed his commitment to a more economically strong economy, to broaden his base of support.
McGovern opened his first campaign headquarters in July 1970 and announced his candidacy Jan. 18, 1971, in Souls Park, S.D. He asked the nation to "come home," as he did at the Republican unemployment, "boasts of a silent majority" and "political intimidation."
He captured his party's nomination on the
His slogan was "not so much a speech as a sermon." Anson wrote.
McGovern was successful in many of the 1972 presidential primaries after the candidacy of Sen. Edmund Muskie, D-Maine, faded in the first primary.
C
first ballot at the convention in Miami Beach in July 1972.
Mgovern's campaign was plagued by bad luck from the beginning, Gary Hart, his campaign manager, wrote in "Right from the Start."
The first problem was McGoventry's choice for vice president, Sen. Thomas Eagleton, D-Mo. That nomination was "the time-bomb that was destined to destroy the McGovern presidential candidacy," Hart wrote.
He involved people of all walks of life in what Hirt called the most widespread crisis.
Half a month after the campaign began, Eagleton resigned after admitting he had received therapy and shock treatments for mental depression. He was replaced by Sargent Shriver, former Peace Corps director.
MGovern's candidacy was marked by staff resignations, lack of funds and intruders.
McGovern was never considered a favorite in the election and was defeated by his opponent.
"Those ideas still stilled in the spirit of the nation," White wrote in "The Making of the Nation."
According to Theodore H. White, McGovern's campaign was based on ideas that were often made up by the press.
"But until those ideas had new form, new shape, new perspective, the majority of Americans would not be called out to march in their cause."
McGovern has continued his opposition to Nixon's policies. On Nov. 6 he told a reporter he thought Nixon would resign or be impeached within a few months.
"If what the President has done isn't a cause to begin impachment, what can ever call any President to account?" he asked an American Commonwealth University in Richmond.
McGovern is married to the former Eleanor Stegeberg and has five children.
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
An All-American college newspaper
Kansan Telephone Numbers
Newroom—UN 4-4810
Business Office—UN 4-4358
Published at the University of Kansas daily examination periods. Mail subscription rates: $8 for a printed subscription at Lawrence, Kans. 60042; Student subscription rate: $1.50 a semester paid in student activity free. Advertised offered to all students without regard are not necessarily those of the University; are not necessary those of the University published are not necessary those of the University.
NEWS STAFF
NEWS STAFF
News adverder . . . Susanne Shaw
Editor Bob Simiont
BUSINESS STAFF
Business Advisor . . . Mel Adams
Business Manager
Steven Liggett
Member Associated Collegiate Press