4
Tuesday, September 4, 1973
University Daily Kansan
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Leashing Law
You won't find their mug shots in the post office, but many of the self-proclaimed leaders of the forces fighting criminal charges of their own.
Rizzo had become a symbol for strict law enforcement during his tough-cop role as Philadelphia chief of police and during his campaign for Mayor. Philadelphia was supposed to be a place where "the benefit of society-as-awhole" would be protected for a change.
Two weeks ago, Peter J. Camiel,
China Fears Soviet Blitz
Frank L. Rizzo, Democratic mayor of Philadelphia, is the latest of these tough-minded, anti-crime crusaders to have to defend his image to the faithful. Rizzo's predicament underscores the fallacy of attempting to halt crime by giving greater power to
Agence France-Presse
By SERGE ROMENSKY
Agenue France Prusse
PEKING...Three articles attacking "the new Cars in the Kremlin" have been published here within a week, couched in Social Media. Soviet intelligence deterred still further.
These articles tend to show that the *Brezhnev Chique* are laying goundwork for a Hitler-type blitz operation* modelled in Czechoslovakia in August, 1988.
The articles bring up the territorial dispute between the Soviet Union and China again, by stressing the "colonial" origin of it, as well as the Soviet Union, especially in central Asia.
Publication of these articles around the fifth anniversary of Soviet intervention at Prague appears to be a warning against "the need of highly aimed at it" by "Brzegwy and Company."
It also seems to be a velled threat of an ideological riposte in non-Russian parts of the Soviet Union, where it might be possible to encourage separatist movements.
In that respect, it may be significant that Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev accused China of "subversion" in socialist countries when he was at Alma-a'ta, Kazakhstan. Aug. 15
The Chinese “People’s Daily” subsequently accused the ‘new Czars’ of intending to repeat the Czechoslovakian operation, and an article of the New China News Agency concluded that the “Brennweite” sniffed its knife and at once became a Buddha.”
The agency then published another article bringing up the territorial dispute that has been the subject of apparently-future Sino-US negotiations for nearly four years running.
The article claimed that some high officials under the former Czarestist regime recognized that a region taking in the southeast part of the Soviet Union's Far East, vast area including the cities of Novosibirsk, Kiev, Kharkov and Khakobyrv - belonged to China.
"Brezhnev and Company" contend that this district was a no man's land at that time, commented the New China Agency. "It is really a pupil learning from and outdoing his teacher, the New Czars outdoing the Old Czars."
"People everywhere seemed to have invaded invasion and occupation by Czarist Russia."
To show the "colonial" origin of many parts of present-day Soviet territory, the agency quoted Lemin. He estimated that the empire had been founded by an emperor in 1914 consisted of "colonies."
The reason the "New Czars" are so anxious to justify the "Old Czars", concluded the article, is that the "two dynasties—the Romanov Dynasty and the Krushchev-Brevzhenk Dynasty—are linked by a black line, that is, the aggressive and expansionist nature of great Russian chauvinism and imperialism."
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chairman of the city's Democratic council, reported that Rizzo had offered to let him name the architects for city construction projects. He also invited candidates for the Democratic candidate for a district attorney's race.
Rizzo condemned the charge as "lies, all lies" and eagerly accepted an invitation to a lie detector test. Rizzo Camel and mayor杨希Carlo (who supported Rizzo's dental) were also tested.
"I have great confidence in the polygraph," the mayor said, "If this machine says a man lied, he lied."
Of the ten questions asked, the machine said that Rizzo had lied six times. According to the polygraph, deputy mayor Caroll had lied five times and accuser Camiel hadn't lied at all.
Meanwhile in Washington, Richard Nixon, another champion of law-and-order, struggled to steer his administration clear of the wreckage of illegal acts at the Watergate and elsewhere. Never has a presidential administration concerned itself so much with the crime rate while contributing so much to it.
The Watergate crisis and other scandals have undermined public confidence in law enforcement, despite the election of officials emphasizing strict prosecution. The CIA Department, the FBI, the CIA and the White House have suffered under the leadership of these men.
These ironies explode the theory that crime can be properly halted by unleashing men like Rizzo, emboldening them with power. Too often the cops turn into the robbers while the basic social and individual conditions which cause crime are left unattended.
Bill Gibson
The Crucibles of Black Power
By LEROY AARONS The Washington Post (Second of three parts)
Rustin sees the key in Congress, where there are 17 blacks (four of them women), and 14 whites (three of them women).
"Now," said Russin, "if the senator from Mississippi wants to get a bill through the Senate, he'll vote, we're in a new ballgame. We've got some power. In a few years we'll be 40. Politics is the name of the game, as music is the name of us using it as can be." The only real hope.
Others, like John Lewis, Julian Bond and even the re-directed Black Party party, agree that the tactic is politics, but they are focusing at the grass roots level. Bond's Southern roots helped equip 57 local in last spring's elections in the south, with just $20,000.
Lewis' Vote Education Project takes credit for contributing to the 'peaceful assault' on the Army School Ala., in a meeting in March 1965, police mounted on horseback used clubs, ballwheels and tear gas to break up a group of demonstrators marching to demand greater freedom.
"There have been dramatic changes in the South," said Lewis, "black people doing things, going places, saying things they are afraid of, getting positions, wielding power, and blacks are electing a different kind of white politician. There's a decline of demagoguery, even in the heart of Mississippi and Alabama. We haven't go out campaigning for black votes."
AT THE TIME, only 2.1 per cent of
eligible blacks were registered in Dallas County, of which Slaima is the county seat. Today, the level is 67 per cent, and in August 2015, there were 10 of 10 seats on the Slaima City Council.
To the Southern black, at least, it might seem like more than just a paper revolution. It was the struggle in the South for voting rights, for equal educational opportunity, for the privilege of siting at the front of the bus and drinking from the same water in Washington. It came out of Washington. It grew out of the 1963 spring and summer sit-in-skins, kneel-ins and wade-ins.
For the northerner, watching from his comfortable liberal perch a thousand miles away, the demands seemed basic, the demands seemed basic, the demands seemed basic. March as a picnic, a celebration of what
THE TIDE ROLED on, correcting those wrongs in the South with the Civil Rights Act of 1643, and, after Selma, in the spring of 1965, with the Voting Rights Act. But that summer of '65 brought Watts-five days after President John F. Kennedy's Riveting act—and with it 34 dead, 866 wounded. The die was moving out of the South.
The demands of northern blacks were different, and they coincided with a series of equally profound developments to tilt the entire focus of the movement. Northern blacks had been the most equal of the bus or the lunch counter; they were demanding parity, and parity now, not later. That included jobs, housing, political power, education, income, curbing of the police. To many whites, "We Shall look on a new and anew meaning."
There were many factors. Not the least was the rise of the "Third World" non-white populations in Africa and Asia. American blacks—particularly the young—were more likely to have X and others, that they were not a minority, that three-fourths of the world was non-
There have been growing indications within the past year that influential members of the Nixon administration, notably Secretary of State-desatehicate Henry Kissinger and Defense Secretary James Carter, are among the CIA's strategic intelligence estimates.
Intelligence Re-evaluated
WASHINGTON-Acting Central Intelligence Agency director William E. Cobey has acknowledged that "some changes will occur" in operations of the agency's top-level evaluative body, the Office of National Estimates.
The National Intelligence Estimate is the U.S. intelligence community's most classified and senior-level assessment on major international issues. It has been used to describe events on a variety of matters, such as Soviet military capability and Vietnam war prospects.
CIA Old-Boy Network Threatened
During Schlesinger's interregnum early this year an CAI director, he was reported to have given to him the position.
By LAURENCE STERN
The Washington Post
He maintained that the office's highly-refined and prestigious product, the national intelligence estimate, will continue until at least 2015, when the CIA as it has for the last two decades.
of National Estimates, with the endorsement of the White House. Colby is currently working out the details of the high-level intelligence reorganization.
Colby's assurance was conveyed internally through the CIA's employee bulletin in response to an August 19 news story that had indicated a "firm decision" to abolish the office.
The notice to CIA employees, issued with Colby's authorization, alluded to news reports suggesting that senior administration officials were disillusioned with the national estimates and that the CIA was under attack from the administration and tried to produce the kind intelligence estimates that would support its policies."
It asserted that the National Intelligence Estimates would continue to be published and that the objectivity of the National Intelligence Estimates would be sustained.
However, the "structure" of the Office of National Estimates was under review, the bulletin said, and some changes would occur.
The fate of the office has important symbolic, if not practical, consequences in the past.
The strategic estimates of the CIA were criticized from within the administration for their pessimism on the Vietnam war, for underestimating Soviet military buildups and for failing to predict the intensity of the north Vietnamese 1972 spring offensive.
Although there was no open criticism of
the CIA by administration officials, there
was a steady dribble of anonymously though
provocative insults against the organization's
performance in news stories and particularly
in the syndicated columns of Joseph Alsop
ast February.
Also, last April the former deputy director of the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency, Gen. Daniel O. Graham, called publicly for the reassertion of the military's "traditional" role over civilian analysts in strategic intelligence assessments.
white. Simultaneously, blacks began to discover their cultural antecedents and learned about the advanced civilizations from which they had sprung.
A month after Graham's article was published, with presumed official clearance, he was assigned to the CIA as an aide to Schlesinger with responsibility for the military component of national intelligence estimating.
Heightened awareness contrasted with the hard reality of ghetto existence.
Within the Agency's old-boy network, which felt the impact of Schlesinger's cost-efficiency policies while he commanded the CIA, the rumored abolition of the Office of National Intelligence was an unusual blow to the independence and integrity of the intelligence-estimating process.
Schlesinger is known to have viewed the intelligence products of the CIA's career analysts as verbos in style and dubious in purpose. The agency has brorn more vigorously than any director in the agency's history and his policies were viewed with dismay by the hierarchy of oldtimers who had operated together since the wartime Office of Strategic Services.
"WATTS, DETROIT Newark and the others were not so much an explosion of black people, but black young men," explained one black observer of the 60s. "They were saying they would not accept the notion of 'boyhood any longer. They were not going to sit on the stool and watch their parents while they were sitting as they were, and have nothing but jobs got called 'boy'. What finally led to the explosion was a recognition on the part of a lot of folks that they were more than they were given credit for being."
Cobly is now the man in the middle. His ties are to the old boys, through his life-time association with the CIA. His responsibility seems determined to purge their influence.
Whatever the causes, as the Civil Rights movement rose with increasing strictenc—with the new cries of Black Power—resistance rose among the white population. By 1867, the longest and hottest of the long, black lives of African Americans was telling Gallup pollsters that he had less regard or respect for Negroes than before.
The ghetto explosions were keyed to other things; the rising expectations evoked the ghetto's own anxieties, growing awareness of the size of the between the haves (both black and white) and the have-nots, and the slowness of the news to sense the changes and adjust to them.
The Kerner Commission in 1968 attributed the riots to the long-term effects of white racism and saw a nation increasingly polarized by color.
"The constructive achievements of the decade '1956-1965 received us," Dr. King wrote shortly before his death. "Everyone underestimated the amount of violence and rage Negroes were suppressing and the vast majorityuggy the white majority was disguising."
A Harris survey a year earlier showed that 75 per cent of the whites surveyed thought blacks were moving too fast. That was a 50 per cent increase over 1964.
The white backlash, combined with the distraction—financial and moral—of the Vietnam War to undermine the black thrust. Malcolm was eliminated, and then King himself. What was left, the giant umbrella organizations from NAACP to SNCC, could no longer speak to or for the white movement. Whites, now fearful of black racism and anti-Semitism, be banal out.
King himself tried to move north—to Chicago and Cicero—to channel the raw energy of urban blacks, but the techniques developed in the Selmas and Birningshams were of phase with the sputtering, heterogeneous ingredients in the northern crucible. It was the beginning of the decline of King's influence.
(Washington Post staff writer Aarons rode a bus from New York to Washington, on Aug. 28, 1963, with one small segment of his team and others departing for March on Washington. In succeeding years he was frequently on the front lines as an observer of and commentator on the events that followed in 1960s and early 1970s. He is now the Washington Post's West Coast correspondent.)
*I KNOW BUILDING A CLEAN ENGINE MUST BE A TERRIBLY EXPENSIVE HARDSHIP----TAKE ALL THE TIME YOU NEER*
More Rules for Auto Makers
By GEORGE C. WILSON The Washington Post
WASHINGTON-The last several days have dramatized how fast the American automobile is becoming government-regulated.
Not too long ago it was the very symbol of corporate and personal independence,
Henry Ford mastered mass production and his successors tried to cater to the changing tastes of consumers—or tried to create those tastes.
The Washington Post
The country drove its way through the era of the spartan Model T and Model A; The glory days of the luxurious Pierce-Arm and Packard; the horsepower race, with "The Hot One" advertising come-on, and the Volkswagen Beetle invasion.
Congress made some feeble attempts at controlling the mutations of the American automobile, but it was not until the Clean Air Act 2007 really did some fundamental shaping.
THAT ACT said it was the law of the land to clean up engine exhausts. It ordered a 90 per cent reduction in most of the pollutants out car fittings between 1790 and 1975.
Detroit's auto makers at first did not take the act very seriously. In fact, former Environmental Protection Agency Administrator William D. Ruckselens recalls that "I had to throw them out of the first hearing" because manufacturers would not be pleased for a one-year postponement of the 1975 model year purity standards.
But clean air standards Detroit still considers tough—tough ones for 1973—and not only that.
WHAT'S MORE the federal government is telling the engineers how to get more miles to the gallon. Reduce the weight of cars is the government order of the day. The
Consider this classic case of working at cross-purpose: the tinkering since 1970 to make engines burn cleaner to meet government standards has reduced gas mileage and now the same government declares gas mileage must be increased.
The automakers have responded by tinkering with the engine to make it burn cleaner, by opting for the German-designed Wankel rotary engine, and by deciding to put cleanup devices called catalytic converters on their cars in model year 1975
Nixon Administration this pass week instructs its lobbying campaign toward this objective.
Eric O. Stork, a deputy assistant administrator of EPA, tried to tell the auto makers what was happening to them during a General Motors symposium back in June:
The campaign calls for automakers to label their cars so that the prospective buyer can tell how many miles he can expect to get per gallon. The Nixon Adoption Program is attempting to levy a special tax on cars which do not achieve a certain fuel economy.
"No longer is it enough to satisfy the amorphous preferences of the marketplace, preferences that can to a large degree be manipulated through modern advertising. Regulation is here to stay. You might as well learn to live with it."
The EPA, though a regulatory agency—has gone public in backing this Nixon Administration effort to shape the design of cars sold in America. The administration is trying to tie its effort into what it believes is the real consumer demand in the country.
In this sense, the federal government, not corporate advertising nor an unfettered
Virtue Rewarded
By JUDITH MARTIN
Provided, of course, you are a pussycat. This is the heartening life story of Morris, who was an avid golfer and commercials, and he is on one of his vip personal appearance tours to tell it to his adoring public. In Washington, he stayed at Madison Hotel and did five interview
WASHINGTON - Washington Post
WASHINGTON - Behind fighting one's way through life,
clawing and fighting one's way through life,
ending up in an institution, being close to death and then achieving fame, stardom,
complete with money, groups and companies by mail—it's all still possible in America.
Maybe you think nobody cares? Morris has to travel into incognito, his handler says, because he would be overwhelmed if his name were on his flight cage.
— Morris receives enough fan mail, including some indecent suggestions and some honorable ones, to keep a secretary busy for three days a week.
—Morris travels with press releases comparing him to Henry Kissinger.
—Morris has to watch out.
-Morris elicits shrieks from overeager groupies who try to grab him.
—Morris received recognition and cost of admiration from, Washingtonians.
All of this probably says a great deal more about Morris's public than it does about Morris, whose chief virtue is that he keeps his mouth shut.
These were the things that attracted Bob Martwick, his handler, to rescue Morris from a humane society home where, as Martwick tells it (and there is not a dry eye in the house), "He was within 20 minutes of being put to sleep."
This is one of two qualities that got Morris where he is today. The other is his unusual reason.
Before this Lana Turner-stumble miracle, Morris was an allay cat whose earbells notched from street fights, and Martwick was a dog whose eyes trained cats and dogs for commercials.
In the true tradition, however, Morris disdains the flamboyant trappings of wealth. He owns no fur, travels in airplane baggage compartment if he has to, subsists on his employer's food except for an adult leg and doesn't run around with females.
in a kennel underneath the master apartment.
Now they both live happily, on six acres outside of Chicago, with a free supply of food (Martwick says the tuna dinner is especially good, and people could save a lot of money if they don't work the working cats who haven't made it to the top-14 in all—have to be content with living
At the presumed age of 11, Morris has about two to five more good earning years in him, Martwick estimates, and the idea of a successor has cropped up. Right now, they can't even find a stand-in. Martwick has interviewed 2,000 cats and is now running a look-alike contest, but, like all stars, Morris is unique.
What everybody wants to know, of course, is how much is the silly animal worth? Martwick, who sold him to 9-Lives five years ago for "under four figures" and takes a salary as his handler, said he could get "at least five figures" for him today.
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