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University Daily Kansan
Opinion
Wednesday, Aug. 28, 1985
KU's bargain could end
Administrators tout the University of Kansas as one of the best educational bargains around despite the higher tuition students have to pay this year.
— particularly those from other states — may not be able to take advantage of this great bargain in coming years.
Because tuition has increased almost every year and the pool of financial aid has drained from the federal budget, lower income students
The 7-percent increase over last year's tuition forced all students last week to reach deeper into their pockets during enrollment. The Board of Regents already has approved another tuition increase for next fall.
In-state undergraduate students enrolled in 12 hours or more paid $615 this semester, while full-time out—of state undergraduates paid $1,517.
Reported trends show more minority and lower-income students have had to drop out of college because of rising
costs. Marshall Jackson, assistant director of KU admissions, said no such problem existed here. Jackson said that KU remains competitively priced, even for out-of-state students.
However Jerry Rogers, financial aid director, said that even now students from lower economic groups are struggling to pay out-of-state tuition with money they should be using for other expenses.
In the next few years, Rogers said, closing the gap between available financial aid and the price of attending KU is one of the most serious problems his office will face.
The cost of tuition at KU may still be a bargain for most, but each year more students are unable to keep pace with the inevitable tuition hikes.
It's a shame when each tuition hike moves a public university a little closer to the exclusive domain of the privileged.
Higuchi generous to KU
Four University of Kansas professors received Higuchi/Endowment Research Achievement Awards during convocation Monday. Chancellor Gene A. Budig described the annual awards as the largest such grants given in the Midwest.
Takeru Higuchi, Regents distinguished professor of pharmacy and chemistry, is acknowledged as the founder of pharmaceutical chemistry, a new discipline created since World War II.
The awards, which are given to outstanding researchers, are only a fraction of the legacy of a remarkable man.
A field of study could not have a more nurturing father. And a university could not have a more devoted patron.
Higuchi established the premier pharmaceutical chemistry program in the
The laboratories and corporation are owned in part by the Kansas University Endowment Association, so profits return to the university.
world at KU, then created Oread Laboratories and IN-TERXr Research Corp. to give University research access to commercial markets.
The Higuchi awards provide financing for research that might otherwise be neglected in the state's tight fiscal environment. However, such excellence should not have to exist solely because of the efforts of private individuals
"One of the difficulties KU has is selling the state of Kansas on graduate-level work," Higuchi said almost a decade ago. "To have a top-level university, progressive research must go on simultaneously with classroom teaching."
Stouffer prohibition
KU's Alcohol Task Force, in its efforts to make the University comply with Kansas' new liquor laws, has crossed from the well-intentioned to the ridiculous.
The task force banned 3.2 percent beer from University housing in July. The new policy was designed for the residence and scholarship halls, which house large numbers of students who are or soon will be too young to drink legally.
Not content with a narrow policy when a broad one would do, the task force imposed the beer ban on all University housing. As a result, the residents of Stouffer Place, the campus family apartments, are included in the prohibition.
Stouffer residents are not 18-year-olds away from home for the first time. All have families, some juggle the support of their families with a full class load. Most are well over the legal drinking age.
The University tells them they cannot, if they wish, drink a beer at home.
Some of the task force's policies make sense. They halted drink and drown parties sponsored by the University, for example.
But the rules don't make sense when applied to Stouffer residents. No state or local laws apply. Fred McElhennie, director of residential programs, admits enforcement is impractical.
The University's desire to encourage alternatives to drinking at campus events is commendable. But it oversteps its responsibilities when it revokes legal privileges from consenting adults in their own homes.
A better policy would be to recognize Stouffer Place as unique. KU administrators do not need to form rules that ignore the variety of housing options.
Rob Karwath
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賽果被抽獨動為競爭後將寶寶送回競奮場
In America and South Africa
Reagan's race policies raise doubts
In a curious twist in the twines of domestic and foreign policy, the administration is calling for "justice and equality" for blacks in South Africa, but trying to roll back one of the main methods for achieving justice and equality for blacks in America.
While President Reagan vacations in California, his aides are preoccupied with putting the United States on the correct moral plane in South
Ira R. Allen
Africa without abandoning the anticoomist, pro-business government that has budged little on apartheid.
For weeks, since a state of emergency was imposed by Pretoria, the White House has escalated its rhetoric of equality and called in succeedingly stronger terms for an end to apartheid.
For the first time last week, the administration came as close as it will to urging majority rule, calling for the arrest of four people for the country's black majority."
Then after President Pieter Botha disappointed both anti-apartheid dissidents in his own country and the Reagan administration as well, the tone became preachy.
Ending apartheid, said Mississippiian Larry Speakes — a student at the University of Mississippi when it
was desegregated by federal troops — "is a policy that accords fully with the highest principles of this nation, which has a long history of healing divisions between races through reason, negotiation and the extension of equality, justice and expanded opportunity and political participation for all."
"Expanded opportunity" to many might seem to be another phrase for affirmative action which includes minorities in all aspects of political life, not just the voting booth.
This apparent double standard on equality is not an isolated example of Reagan's view toward American
The policy Reagan objects to of setting quotas that discriminate against whites was actually given teeth by Republican Richard Nixon in 1970. The result of the policy was that construction jobs, municipal jobs and eventually high-ranking corporate jobs went to capable minority group members who otherwise might have been overlooked by the white hiring networks.
Yet as Speakes was putting the United States on record in favor of equal opportunity and a better future for South African blacks, other officials in Washington worked on a document they hope Reagan will sign. The document repeals a 20-year-old executive order requiring 73,000 federal contractors to set numerical goals for the hiring of blacks, women and Hispanics.
blacks, who have overwhelmingly rejected Reagan at the polls in 1980 and 1984.
1963 Voting Rights Act that he first opposed, despite the phenomenal success the law had in giving Southern blacks a rightful share of the political action.
As a private citizen, governor of California, candidate for president and president, Reagan has proclaimed his opposition to racial discrimination yet opposed every civil rights bill to come down the legislative pike.
In 1862, he had to be dragged into belated support of an extension of the
'The Reagan record on civil rights raises doubt about his racial commitments in South Africa and the U.S.'
A year earlier his administration sought to extend tax exemptions to all-white private schools set up to keep out blacks, and a year later he dismantled the U.S. Civil Rights Commission, which for decades had been a bipartisan prod to the conscience of all presidents. He resur-
reected it with a stacked panel of members whose qualification was their opposition to "numerical goals" and "unotas."
Reagan is no racist, and his repeated condemnations of apartheid should be commended by everybody. And his opposition to hiring quotas is a legitimate position that has growing appeal, even among some liberals.
But the entire Reagan record on civil rights over the span of his public life raises some doubt about his real racial commitments in both South Africa and America.
The one true belief of Ronald Reagan is that business and making money is a virtue of democracy above all else. The reason he opposes quotas, according to Speakers, is they are an artificial barrier in the market.
And the concept of "market"—government as a protector of business — is why Reagan continues to reject economic sanctions against racist South Africa and why he caters to American companies that would rather not fill out government affirmative action forms.
What those values imply to blacks, however, is that Reagan doesn't see that blacks, too, can succeed in business with only the smallest bit of outside help.
Ira R. Allen is a correspondent for United Press International.
What's in a name?
That which we call a rose would still be easier to say
Although I'd like to take this opportunity to introduce myself, I hesitate because generally this tends to cause more trouble than it's worth. Some might say my problem is only a minor inconvenience that, once corrected, should no longer be a bother.
You see, it's my name.
But my problem is not so easy. There is no native country where I can visit and find the welcome relief of not correcting every person introduced to me My native land is a red and white house in Prairie Village. There, everyone always gets my name right on the first try.
A difficult name is not an uncommon problem. Take for example the many foreign instructors who teach at the University of Kansas. Few have names that you can pronounce without forcing your tongue into bizarre and unusual contortions. However, although we in the United States may have difficulty with these complicated titles, in their native countries these names often are as common and simple as Jones and Smith are to us.
Here the problem is more difficult.
For example, it is the first day of class.
The instructor is calling roll and is approaching the middle of the alphabet. I prepare for the inevitable.
"Jee-na Kellogg?" he says.
I reply with a sharp emphasis on the first syllable, ready to give him an example, such as Gin-uh and tonic. But he has already caught on to this new and intriguing pronunciation.
"No, sir. It's Gin-uh."
He scribbles a few notes before he continues with roll.
The next class fares a little better. The professor approaches home plate and is up to bat once again. He prepares to swing. He makes a few wild attempts, but squints carefully at his scribbled notes from our previous class, he succeeds with the correct pronunciation. The crowd cheers.
Gina Kellogg Staff Columnist
By the fourth or fifth class, he is calling out my name in ringing tones, more confident every day.
Then comes Thanksgiving vacation.
Roll call begins once again on the first day of class after the break. The professor zips through roll call like a pro. But as he comes to my name once again, his confidence falters. Tears begin to well up in my eyes as he reverts to his old ways, Pavlov has failed.
"Jee-na Kellogg?"
The troops are wearied, tired and vorn. They can no longer fight back. "Here."
You may laugh, but this battle doesn't end. People who have known me for three months in a class and have never seen my name in print have no problem pronouncing it correctly. But once they see the written word, despite my imploring that they had it right the first time, they too revert back.
Few people take my predicament seriously.
Even people whom I greatly admire have failed to understand the frustration of making constant corrections.
William Shakespeare, for example,
once said this:
"What's in a name? That which we call a rose
Unfortunately not. A name is not merely a word. It is the unique interpretation of each individual summed up in a few syllables.
"By any other name would smell as sweet."
Of course, people have suggested in the past ways to make the pronunciation of my name more clear.
They're all wrong. After careful contemplation, I have found to my
But how else can it be spelled?
Genna, Jenna, Janna. . .
dismay that there is no other way to spell Gim uh than G-I-N-A.
But, perhaps this could work to my advantage.
And don't ask me to change the pronunciation; I already have invested more than 21 years of my life into forcing people to deny their first impulse of calling me by that Italian derivative.
For example, in class, the student next to me peers at the Kansan spread across the desk. He recognizes my picture on the editorial page next to my byline.
"Hey, you're Jeen-uh Kellogg aren't you?" The one in that picture.
I praise modesty.
"Yes, I'm Ginchuk Kellogg."
"But that byline says Jeen-u Kellogg."
"Oh, yes. Jeen-um Kellogg. Well that's just my pseudonym."
Mailbox
Thanks,but...
Sprague apartment residents appreciate the Kansas's running a story, with photo, about their retirement home. There isn't another like it near the campus of another university.
Some unfortunate errors did creep in some place between Miss Stephenson's interview and the printed version. The building has large enough to be open to retired faculty and "staff." Just retired faculty, Staff was never mentioned in the interview.
The anatomy department, of which Dr. Paul Roof was chairman, is on the KU campus, not at the medical center. The photo caption listed four men when there were only three in the photo. The Carroll D. Clark should have been Mrs. Carroll D. Clark, Dr. Clark, for many years chairman of the sociology departement, died January 1, 1978.
Finally, the undersigned has for 19 years been a volunteer worker in Spacer Research Library, not in the medicalatum. There were other minor errors.
professor emeritus of journalism