Page 4
University Dally Kansan, September 19, 1980
Opinion
ASK money well-spent
The Student Senate, with or without a quorum, made a wise move Wednesday night. The Senate's vote to retain membership in the Associated Students of Kansas ensures that at least a few people will be watching for student issues in the Kansas Legislature during the next session.
It does not necessarily guarantee success. No lobbying group in its right mind would. But ASK promises to try. That is more than anyone else is willing to do.
Because of the demise of Concerned Students for Higher Education, a student lobbying group for the University of Kansas only, ASK is even more necessary. The 25 cents a student pays each semester out of his or her activity fees seems a small amount to guarantee that student representatives and ASK staff members will speak to legislators about raising student salaries, increasing the percentage of graduate teaching assistants' fee waivers and increasing financial aid.
In the past, ASK has lobbied against raising the drinking age for 3.2 beer from 18 to 21. It has stood up for amendments to the Landlord-Tenant Act to improve housing in university communities. True, ASK has not always been on the winning side. But most students don't have time to write their legislators or to visit them in their Topeka offices.
ASK staff members, hired by an ASK board of directors made up of campus representatives from each of the seven university members and paid with members' dues, do have the time and the experience to speak up on student issues.
Bob Bingaman, executive director of ASK, has had a year to make contacts in the halls of the Capitol. He can provide organization and continuity to an effort that could be too diversified and sporadic to attract attention.
All in all, the service isn't bad for a quarter.
State's plentiful water supply dwindles, signals hard times
Bowntown Kansas farmers are riding a wave of bountiful agriculture that eventually will recieve,
Water from the Ogallala Aquifer, the underground water source that has produced the bountiful water conditions, is being drained by a stream that spills over 100 times faster than new rainfall can replace it.
The aquifer, which is plugged with wells that average 200 feet in depth, is in a stage of what will be called the ultimate sinkhole.
That is a nice way of saying, "Sorry folke, but this American Desert is making a comeback."
Officials say that, far short of camels migrating to the western third of the state, the
TED
LICKTEIG
area will not run out of water except in isolated pockets.
This is no solace for farmers in the area, however. The Underground Water District in the area has planned a 2 percent depletion of underground water. At this rate, according to one government report, the aquifer could be dry by the year 2000.
Never fear, state officials say, dry land farming methods have improved dramatically since the Dust Bowl. Crops can be more varied, and the fertilization of crops helps avoid wind erosion. Besides, 40 percent of the applications for water drilling permits are rejected by the Division of Water Resources. So, no shock abounds. And farmers who don't properly will hit the area after the water available to farmers is sufficient only to sustain limited irrigation.
Times are relatively good for the western Kansas farmer. Soybeans and milo are up at least a dollar on the major midwestern grain exchanges compared to last year's prices. The
thinking among farmers in the area is to make haw while there's water in the ground.
Kansas water officials say the state is fortunate to be in the position that it is. The aquifer, which provides an irrigation source from South Dakota to Central Texas, is not guarded by all state governments as it is in Kansas. A 1945 Kansas law asserts that all water in the state belongs to the state, not the landowner. In Texas, the reverse is true.
The inevitable is approaching. The results could be damaging to the farmer. It is estimated that 300 gallons of water are required to produce a loaf of bread, from farm to factory, and 1,000 gallons of milk, from farm to factory, of beef. But if the water isn't on the farm end of the equation, production will drop.
The only hope for continued high water supply is the possibility of importing water. The state requires that it be able to import farther north or near for technology to provide answers to desalination and iceberg transfers.
But there is a legal problem in the first hope. The state once tried to tap the rivers and streams flowing from Colorado. The issue of tapping rivers still is not clear cut legally, despite the precedent. Forty years passed before all related law suits finally were settled on the matter.
As a compromise the state's strategy is to get farmers to balance their farming methods by moving them out of agriculture.
Fortunately, the water situation is not so drastic in the central and eastern portions of the state. The central area receives about 25 1/2 inches of rain a year and the eastern third about 35 inches annually. The western third manages do with an average of 18 1/2 inches a year.
But for farmers in western Kansas, the loss of the underground water supply signals hard time.
Farmers in Dodge City must gump when they enter the Arkansas River without water in it during rainy days.
Letters Policy
Letters must be signed and must include the writer's address and phone number. If the writer is affiliated with the University, the letter should include the writer's class and home town or faculty or staff position.
The University Daily
KANSAN
USPS 68540-4410 Published at the University of Kansas daily August through May and Tuesday during June and July except Saturday, Sunday and holidays. Second-class postage paid at Lawrence, Kansas on Monday and Tuesday and delivery by air or ship to the $5 a year outside the county. Student subscriptions are #2 a semester, paid through the student activity. Postmaster: Send changes of address to the University Daily Kansas Flint Hall. The university of Kansas
Full staff:
Editor
Carol Beiler
Managing Editor
Editorial Editor
Campus Editor
Associate Campus Editor
Associate Campus Editors
Sports Editor
Associate Sports Editor
Entertainment Editor
Makeup Editors
Writing Editors
Copy Chiefs
Art Photographer
Staff Photographers
Columnais
Editorial Cartoonist
Retail Sales Manager
National Sales Manager
Campus Sales Manager
Advertising Manager
Staff Artist
Staff Photo Manager
Photo Desk Assistant
Tearsheets Manager
General Manager and News Adviser
Kansas Advisor
Business Manager
Elaine Strahler
Cynad Hughes
David Lewis
Judy Woodham
Judy Sherwyn
Jody Sperson
Mark Spencer, Don Munday, Chrysia Whokona
Gene Myen
Pantil Killin
Kevin Killin
Eliwan Iwamoto, Bob Schaud, Jennifer Robles
Wiley Fitzgerald, Wakhtiman, Tory Teackle
Eliwan Iwamoto, Gail Egger, Tammy Terrency
Liam McClardy
Ben Bigler, Ken Combs, Scot Hooker, Dave Kraus, Drew Ternswill
Amy Holwell, Ted Litletgt, Bill Meneses, Breed Conley, Scott Faust, Fred Markham,
Shawn Sharp
Jason Burtus
John Burton
John Jenkins, Nicholas Slayen
Kevin Kauter
Nancy Clausson
Berry Light
Tracy Coon
Jessica Mannell
Judy DeMarsel
Judy梅尔
Leslie Feagler
Barb Spooler
Nikki Nester
Chuck Chowns
Reagan extremism may help Carter
By WILLIAM M. LUNCH
By WILLIAM M. LUNCH
New York Times Special Features
In all three, an elected president has sought reelection, and the major political party out of power nominated a relatively extreme candidate to run against the incumbent.
SAN FRANCISCO—The presidential-election years of 1964, 1972 and 1980 are quite similar.
The campaigns of the challengers—Barry Goldwater's in 1964, George McGovenn's in 1972, and Ronald Reagan's current campaign—appear to be cut from the same cloth. They are bound together by at least four elements that spell trouble for the Republicans in November:
They offered principled opposition not only to the other party but also to moderates within their own party. In the battle for nomination, extreme positions may be helpful, because the limited numbers of citizens who vote in the primaries and activists who participate in party caucuses tend to be more extreme than typical voters. In addition, the primary process needs the support of moderate leaders and voters who may well have been alienated during the struggle for the nomination.
1. The candidate prior to nomination. The three were darlings of the extreme ideological wing in their party, Goldwater and Reagan on the left, right, McGovern on the Democratic left.
2. The delegates. Each of the challengers in the eight-year cycle since 1644 has been propelled to the presidency.
Goldwater made no effort to moderate his views in 1964, believing he would be elected by a "hidden conservative majority." It stayed hidden. McGovern tried to adopt a more moderate stance but was confronted by a demonstration of his own supporters in the lobby of his hotel at the 1720 convention and threats of resignations in protest from important members of the campaign. Again, too, is trying to woo less extreme voters than warned, on national television, against moving toward the center, by an important supporter. U.S. Sen. Jesse Helms.
delegates who are 'true believers' in the faith of conservatism (1964, 1980) or liberalism (1972). These positions have been laid out in the ex-White House committees on platforms drafted at the nominating conventions.
3. Party schism. The candidacy of John B. Anderson is testimony to the power of extreme candidates to generate divisions within their own political parties. In 1964, moderate Republicans stayed away from the Goldwater campaign in droves. In 1972, McGovern's forces at the Democratic convention denied seats to the contingent of delegates led by the powerful mayor of Chicago, Richard J. Daley. In the fall, Democrats for Richard Nixon helped attract a hugh number of party defectors. This year, the Republican co-chairman, Mary Crisp, resigned in protest over Reagan's views on women's rights and went to work for Anderson. Although current polls show the majority of Anderson's support coming from disaffected Democrats, he
will increasingly cut into Reagan's support by Election Day.
5. The challenger as the issue. Perhaps the most frustrating feature of the general-election campaign for the extreme challengers has been the tendency for their proposals and personalities to be the central focus of the debate in the fall. In 1964, discussion virtually ignored Lyndon B. Johnson. The voters worried about Goldwater's animosity toward New Deal programs and his hawkishness. In 1972, Nixon hardly campaigned at all—public comment and concern focused on proposals McGovern made, such as that for a minimum welfare payment of $100 per person. He has already begun to focus attention on himself by coming out strongly against the Equal Rights Amendment and in favor of a plan to cut federal taxes and spending by 30 percent.
The outlook for November is clouded because President Carter has been an unpopular president. He is, however, familiar and comparatively "safe" to the voters. In 1984, the race was never in doubt. In 1972, though, many polls and pundits found Nixon vulnerable—until it became clear that his opponent would come from the left margin of the Democratic Party. But when he won, he seemed to have the year had the GOP put electability ahead of ideology. But having chosen the latter, I believe they are in for a dispiriting repetition of the extremism syndrome.
William M. Lunch is assistant professor in the government department at the University of San Francisco.
Letters to the Editor
To the editor:
Parking Services surplus fleeces students
For many years, many in the University community have thought Parking Services policies were unfair and a general rip-off. Several have voiced complaints about fines and the cost of parking at their facility which is from $20 for residence hall motorcycles to $75 for the universal permit.
A little research and some inquiries made to highly reluctant administrators yielded the following data, which is well worth the attention of KU students and staff:
because "it cost more to make the stickers." But
hundreds of thousands of dollars more?
Jane Nyberg
Manhattan junior
Dave Kersley
Ottawa sophomore
The state of Kansas does not fund Parking Services, so they have to "generate their own revenue." And they seem to be doing an excellent job of it. Projected income for the Parking Services is slated at $90,000 for this fiscal year—most of that money, indeed, more than 90 percent of it, coming from private funds. Amazing is the fact that the Kansas Legislature has decreed that only $206,882 can be spent this year to improve parking lots around campus.
Furthermore, it is interesting to note that Parking Services had a whopping surplus of $355,400 from fiscal year 1980, making their projected budget come to a phenomenal $1,045,400 for this year! Also, it should be pointed out that last year's projected budget ended up to be more than $20,000 less than the actual cash that was taken in.
Parking Services will spend a total of $257,094 for personnel, up to $206,868 for capital improvements and up to $88,399 for "miscellaneous" supplies and expenses. That leaves a total surplus of $498,312, nearly half of the total budget!
To be sure, those nice men riding around all day in those cute little blue Parking Services go carts are doing a nice job of "generating revenue." It's too bad that the revenue they generate comes out of the hides of students, faculty and staff. Furthermore, the increase figure out why some parking lots increased from $35,400 last year to $55,400 last over from last year—enough to more than pay for all the parking lot repairs and construction the Legislature will allow in fiscal 1982. One KU administrator, the director of business affairs, said that the increase in permit prices might be
Vandalism
I have two questions concerning the article "CIA Accusers Spray-Paint Silly Pictures" (Bill Menezes, Sept. 15). First, what is last week's news doing in this week's University Daily Kansas? I was beginning to think I had only imagined the writing on the walls. Secondly, why are the fourth-half second-page spread, so why not give Bill Menezes' article equal attention? I consider this 'handwork' a serious matter that must be stopped now.
To the editor:
I can honestly say that in the past four years, the only other markings I've seen on the walls or sidewalls have been washable purple paint, pencil or harmless chalk. I was outraged to see that someone is expanding his graffiti techniques from bathroom stalls to KU halls. Now I know why tuition keeps rising every semester—we're financing the cleanup for a Crayola dropout. Perhaps we should have a "hands check" to see who has spray paint under his fingernails. How will we prosecute? Hang the vandal(s) by his (their) thirst, no doubt.
I agree with Menezes. Let's get the vandals off campus. So, how about a follow-up story on what is done to wipe the writing from the walls and to keep it off.
Judy Seller Lake Forest, Ill., special student.
To the editor:
At the height of the controversy regarding the removal of the art library from Watson Library
Library hours
V
N
Elizabeth C. Banks
into the Helen F. Spencer Museum of Art, some of us who opposed the move expressed our aprehension that the transferral of the books into what would become, for all intents and purposes, a departmental library, would result in a restriction of access to the collection for the public; we would not be assured, however, that the new library would have the same hours as the old. So, while art librarian Paul Bobo's present short schedule (8 to noon, 1 to 5 p.m., Monday through Friday) is understandable as he settles into his new quarters, we can only wait with concern for an explanation of what he means by "longer" storage. We are grateful to Kansan, Sept. 8). It is probably naive to expect that campaign promises of a previous administration will be honored.
Elizabeth C. Banks associate professor of classics
To the editor:
Gay legal aid
I wish that Kathleen Conkey would have checked her facts with our office before writing her letter (University Daily Kanzen, Sept. 12) regarding an attempt by some congressmen to restrict federal Legal Services Corporation funding. These restrictions, presently before the U.S. Senate for action, would prevent Legal Services Corporation grantees from providing legal assistance in promoting, defending or protecting homosexuality.
The Douglas County Legal Aid Society is not a Legal Services Corporation grantee and is not bound by Legal Services Corporation funding rules.
It is the operating arm of the School of Law's legal aid clinical program and is funded by city and county revenue sharing, the United Funds and private donations. It is the policy of the Douglas County Legal Aid Society to assist residents of Douglas County who cannot afford or find a local attorney. We do not close our doors to qualified clients.
director of Douglas County Legal Aid Society Inc.
1
---