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University Daily Kansan, August 28, 1980
Opinion
Banners fly high at KU
It's been a banner year for the University of Kansas.
For the past 14 months, a small group of KU students has been embroiled in a dispute with the KU administration about freedom of speech rights at KU. The controversy revolves around what has been termed the "banner policy."
The policy governs the use of "political advertisements" and has been interpreted to include the display of banners. But much to the ire of KU officials, a number of disenchanted students have defied the policy and have unfurled banners at University events.
During last May's commencement exercises at Memorial Stadium, twelve people were arrested after a scuffle with a police officer and 10 trials with a scheduled for next week.
However, nothing has been able to prevent the protesters—and their nifty banners—from frequenting University-sponsored events. The latest chapter in the continuing saga occurred Monday at KU's opening convocation.
Dissident students occupied the front row seats of Hoch Auditorium. The
protesters wore shirts adored with letters spelling out FREE SPEECH. To signify the gagging of speech, protesters wrapped bandanas around their mouths.
But for the first time in a long while, the protesters' actions didn't ruffle KU officials. Acting Chancellor Del Shankel let the protesters do their thing, but at the same time he kept the convocation under control.
Shankel delivered his speech without disruption. No students were arrested. No outbursts occurred. Everybody went home happy. The event appears to have been a refreshing turnabout.
Despite the protesters, KU's concession ran smoothly. That may signal a possible breakthrough in the controversy. For months, freedom of speech episodes have been going in circles. Flare-ups have ended in standoffs, with no apparent end in sight.
Shankel has refused to lose his cool. After the convocation, he even joked that the actions of the protesters were "entertaining." In the face of this continuing controversy, Shankel has kept his sense of humor. His tolerance is bound to pay off.
40e/Bentos '80
Anderson chances hurt
Quit your yappin' about Title IX. It's a scientifically proven fact that mens' sports programs need more funding.
Anderson has been floundering in the polls recently, and many of his supporters had expecter the long-awaited announcement his minister must give to the campaign a needed boost.
Independent presidential candidate John B. Anderson may have just blown his chances of surprising anyone in November.
But by choosing former Wisconsin Gov. Patrick J. Lucey, a liberal democrat who is virtually unknown on the national scene, appears destined to remain low in the polls.
Political observers had maintained that Anderson needed to pick a national figure for his vice-presidential slot in order to remain in the race. He had been considering New York Gov. Hugh Carey, Washington Sen. Henry Jackson and
It is likely the oddsmakers wouldn't agree.
former Texas Rep. Barbara Jordan among others.
After graduating from the University of Wisconsin, Lucy made his fortune in real estate. He was governor of Wisconsin for two terms from 1971 to 1977, after serving as chairman of the state Democratic party for six years.
Lucey, in accepting Anderson's offer Monday in Washington, said the veteran Illinois congressman still has a chance to win. "I am not a champion of lost causes or hopeless crushes," he said.
Lucey's only experience in national affairs came as President Carter's U.S. Ambassador to Mexico. He quit that post before the United Nations, Sen. Edward M. Kennedy's campaign
Letters Policy
The University Daily Kansan welcomes letters to the editor. Letters should be typewritten, double-spaced and not exceed 500 words. They should include the writer's name, address and telephone number. If the writer is afferent, the Kansan reserves the right to include the writer's class and home town or faculty or staff position. The Kansan reserves the right to edit letters for publication.
Soviet domination strengthens Polish strikes
They also are striking against the strait jacket of repression that can never be loosened, only being sewn into the suit.
The workers in northern Poland are striking because they do not think they can live as they should on what their Soviet-dominated government provides.
The recent strikes will not remove it. Poland has agreed to have talks on the workers' political and economic demands, and a peaceful end to the crisis is probable.
But any resolution of the strike, one of a decades-long string of revolts by Polish workers unhappy with their places in Poland's troubled economy, cannot stop the swelling flow of Polish labor.
This time, if talks are fruitful, there will be no firebombing of Communist Party headquarters.
And unlike the 1970 strikes, police will not shed their countrymen's blood in the streets of Gdansk, the Baltic Sea shipbuilding hub where recent strikes are centered.
THE SOVIETS will not intervene with those symbols of suffocating totalitarianism, their tanks and troops, that now play a role in the conflict. They were active in 1986, and during 1974 Polish food price rises.
But the armed 1962 "Bread and Freedom" revolt in Poznan, the 1707 strikes, the 1796 food riots and the many scattered strikes since meat was rationed in 1944, that the recent strikes will not be Folda's last.
As the general strike in Ganskun unfolds in Western news accounts and only sketchnily in the Eastern bloc press, it is apparent that the Polish government wants to avoid violence.
THEY HAVE answered the takeover of theLENinship yard in Gdansk by agreeing to negotiate with the Inter-Factory Strike Committee and four-fifths of 150,000 striking workers nationwide.
Other token concessions by Communist Party Chief Edward Gierk's government were the firing of six members of the party's Politburo, including Premier Edward Babuich, and agreeing to recognize union leaders elected by "democratic and secret ballots."
Those concessions, made over the weekend,
did not placate the intense Gdkansk brigade.
Resolving the crippling strike will depend on the government's degree of acquiescence to unprecedented demands for things such as higher pay, lower meat prices, more adequate
SCOTT FAUST
food supplies, an end to censorship, release of all promoters and the establishment of free uraniums.
In 1979, for example, shoppers requesting candles to light homes were told none were available because a mistake in the pricing system prevented them from purchasing than the allowed-for-cost of a finished candle.
Centralized planning ignores the law of supply and demand and results in things such as the cutting off of electricity for several hours a day to save coal in the winter.
THE ECONOMIC demands may be negotiable. They have arisen from problems sealed deep in the faults of the Polish economy, which has been being lingering too long to centralized planning policies.
Poland's economic problems have led to a debt of more than $15 million to Western nations. And the eurozone has taken on its own weight.
reducing animal-feed imports and exporting more food have led to the high prices and shortages of meat.
Overall, the nation's farm output has consistently failed to meet projected levels and
The most recent price rises for meat, a symbol of prosperity in a country where the people consume less per capita than the United States, but more than Britain, simply brought ever-present public dissatisfaction boiling to the surface.
Real solutions to these economic problems no doubt lie filed in some Warsaw economic planning office, but stopogap measures of increased food subsidies and reduced food exports, along with higher wages, could ease the people's seething anger.
The strikers are whistling to the wind, however, with demands for free trade unions and anti-capitalism.
GIEREK DROVE this home in an address to the nation, when he said, "We are ready to talk with workers and representatives…but we cannot be there striking at the basis of the state's existence."
Indeed, how could a Soviet satellite still very much within the strong-arm reach of Moscow allow free unions, removal of censorship or the freeing of political prisoners?
The granting of those demands by Poland and Russia has sweeping reform that brought Russian troops to Europe.
freedoms of Western neighbors even more than their plush lifestyles. They will also continue to turn to the tolerated and powerful Catholic the strikers, a flavor of the strikers, and to an extensive underground press as forums for a rampant dissent.
The strikes will continue.
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152.70% 152.80% 152.90% 153.00% 153.10% 153.20% 153.30% 153.40% 153.50% 153.60% 153.70% 153.80% 153.90% 154.00% 154.10% 154.20% 154.30% 154.40% 154.50% 154.60% 154.70% 154.80% 154.90% 155.00% 155.10% 155.20% 155.30% 155.40% 155.50% 155.60% 155.70% 155.80% 155.90% 156.00% 156.10% 156.20% 156.30% 156.40% 156.50% 156.60% 156.70% 156.80% 156.90% 157.00% 157.10% 157.20% 157.30% 157.40% 157.50% 157.60% 157.70% 157.80% 157.90% 158.00% 158.10% 158.20% 158.30% 158.40% 158.50% 158.60% 158.70% 158.80% 158.90% 159.00% 159.10% 159.20% 159.30% 159.40% 159.50% 159.60% 159.70% 159.80% 159.90% 160.00% 160.10% 160.20% 160.30% 160.40% 160.50% 160.60% 160.70% 160.80% 160.90% 160.10% 160.20% 160.30% 160.40% 160.50% 160.60% 160.70% 160.80% 160.90% 160.10% 160.20% 160.30% 160.40% 160.50% 160.60% 160.70% 160.80% 160.90% 160.10% 160.20% 160.30% 160.40% 160.50% 160.60% 160.70% 160.80% 160.90% 161.00% 161.10% 161.20% 161.30% 161.40% 161.50% 161.60% 161.70% 161.80% 161.90% 162.00% 162.10% 162.20% 162.30% 162.40% 162.50% 162.60% 162.70% 162.80% 162.90% 163.00% 163.10% 163.20% 163.30% 163.40% 163.50% 163.60% 163.70% 163.80% 163.90% 164.00% 164.10% 164.20% 164.30% 164.40% 164.50% 164.60% 164.70% 164.80% 164.90% 165.00% 165.10% 165.20% 165.30% 165.40% 165.50% 165.60% 165.70% 165.80% 165.90% 166.00% 16
Veteran police officer braves Harlem streets to fight crime
Bv EDMUND STUBBING
NEW YORK-West 127th street between 8th Avenue and St. Nicholas Avenue is a block in miniature, an urban topographical anomaly less than a fourth the length of a normal city block. But what it lacks in size it makes up for in human suffering, destitute people and illegal activity.
THE PROSTITUTES are the smallest group, 10 to 15 of them depending on the street economics of supply and demand at the time. There are three kinds: transsexuals, male homosexuals and female addicts. In such a setting, they are generally the least offensive group. As such they become, inadvertently, a measure of the despair and misery that permeate, caress and ultimately rule West 127th Street.
Starting at about noon and stretching into the late night, drug addicts, as many as 200 or 300, roam and prowl the tiny block, especially its corners, to buy and sell their desperate lives away. The block is known throughout Harlem as the place to buy whatever you want. It is the center of the city's most popular along the 11-block stretch of 3th Avenue referred to as "the drug capital of the East Coast."
I am a police officer. To me the block is a graveyard in a sea of the drowned and the drowning. My radio car comes down the middle block and sends off invisible ripples of movement on the water. Either I or my partner will shout out gruntly: 'Let's go move! Don't stand around!'
New York Times Special Features
The winos are also a part of the block. There are fewer of them than of addicts, but the winos are there all the time. For them, time is measured in glass, not in light and darkness. The winos on the stoops on the eight partly lowered tables towering tattered sentinels overlooking the rubble and garbage in the littered lots that pockmark and symbolize the scene.
The crowds respond.
There is movement and there are looks: defiance, hatred, an occasional plea for pity. It is a tense moment. If there is to be trouble, it is now. This is when the bottle will be thrown or the epithets hurled loudly yet anonymously: "We'll kill you one of these days."
Usually, however, there is no trouble, just a moment, the real urban cowboys moving the herd.
TO ME, A police officer, the whole sane is disturbing and frustrating because I believe that the problem of West 127th Street has its root in international and domestic economic and political policies. I also believe that what I do absolutely no good. It is just a grandiose gesture, a shallow hypocritical symbol of "law and order."
My frustration, ironically, spills onto the other victim in this absurdity—the "enemy," the crowd of people that I am supposed to view as a result, that a low form of life only resembling real people.
My routine is always the same; I leave the radio car with the nightstick lashed tightly, omniviously around my left hand. I slam the car door hard for effect. Then I advance, leaning forward slightly, ready for the worst, my right hand resting on, sometimes gently lifting, my 38-caliber handgun. Then I go into my act: I "break it up"—whatever that means.
In my better moments I condemn myself for what I do and view the whole ugly setting as a parody of an anthem that eulogizes the dignity of man. I see myself as a uniformed, armed, outnumbered, elitist gladiator whose job it is to control, not help, "the rable" — the unemployed, the hooked, the beaten, the vicious—all those of the "underclass" who are an embarrassment, even worse, a threat, to the status quo, the stability, of comfortable America. The whole scene, including my role, is a throwback to earlier, less civilized times.
I AM NO DIFFERENT from anyone else. I am falling into the trap. I am becoming just another tion trainer braving the animals, daring to walk among them, talking hard, flashing anger, occasionally pushing someone, usually abusing someone verbally.
I don't really like what I do, what I am. I resist it somewhat; but as time goes on as the conditioning grows stronger, I resist less. I am beginning to accept what I do and what I see that the hopelessness of the suffering humanity of West 12th Street—as the natural order of things.
Edmund Stubbing, a New York City police officer, is writing a book based on his six years in
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