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Monday, November 25, 1974
University Daily Kansan
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
OPINION
Political labels now lack clarity
Dan Rather of CBS made a curious slip in his election night commentary on the Kansas governor's race Nov. 5.
He called Vern Miller the goatee underdog in the race and referred to Robert Bennett as the favored one. It might have made R batter might have made the mistake. Bennett does look more like a stereotypic Democrat than a stereotypic Republican, just as a Republican is likely to make him look more like a Republican than a Democrat
Most people know that the Democratic party is dominated by liberals and that the Republican party is largely divided. But they also know that a candidate who runs under a party label doesn't necessarily represent the dominant wing of the party. So the Republican party has been very successful in Closkey and Jacob Javits, and the Democratic party has Wilbur Mills and George
Wallace. It's no wonder that more and more people are proudly saying, "I vote for the man, not the party."
This confusion about what Republicans and Democrats stand for apparently has led to
When the differences between two candidates come down to character, personality and approach, as they did in the Kansas governor's race, people lose interest. The most substantial issue in that race was Bennett c's chin whiskers.
declining identification with one party or another. The polls show fewer and fewer identifying with one party of the other.
Voters resoundingly rejected this sapless kind of politics. They went to the polls nationally, the lowest percentage since 1946.
Even big issues like Watergate and the economy couldn't bring the voters out. Perhaps the voters are saying what radicals and reactionaries have been saying for years: There's no basic difference between the two parties.
two parties.
elections have produced some startling surprises. All four statewide candidates endorsed by the New York state Democratic party lost in the September general election, overwhelming margins. In Maine in the general election, an independent candidate won the race for governor, the first independent to capture a statehouse seat in people, are in
might lead to a one-party state or to many parties contending in an ungoverable situation like Italy.
Some Democrats also have expressed worries about the two-party system. While the Democrats and the Republicans in the center are worrying, it's interesting to see what reactionary and radical strategists have in mind.
In the reactionary view, the Republican party is a liberal party that has sold its conservative politics to its conservative allies. Rockefeller. Rockefeller. In the most extreme reactionary analysis, Rockefeller becomes equivalent to a Communist. According to the Liberal Lobby, "There is no difference whatsoever between capitalism and monopolistic capitalism and international communism."
Republican party. The first stage of this strategy is keeping Rockefeller out of the vice presidency. Conservatives are aware that possible and are already talking about how to keep Rockefeller off the GOP ticket in 1978. At the same time, they are preparing to build a political machine around the Reagan candidacy and are aware that they could in such a case form a new bolt and form a new party.
Old fight for integration continues in Boston today
A radical view of the Democratic party was expressed by G. William Domhoff, a researcher of the American elite, in his recent book "Fat Cats and Democrats."
Twenty years ago, a 7-year-old girl who lived in a town not far from her walked 21 blocks to school each day. Her father, a minister, worried about the long trip and resented that she couldn't attend the school just three days later, joined with 12 other blank parents from the area to seek help from the other.
The little girl was Linda Brown. Her father was the Rev. Oliver Brown. They lived in Oliver
"The political analysts may be right that the Democratic party is 'fragmented' and that it presents different varieties of platforms and political activists at the local, state and national levels. But it is also the most challenging to decide men decide which of the candidates will receive the millions of dollars that are a necessary minimum in major primary and general elections. When all the shouting and posturing has died down and the hard-cash facts begin to emerge, there is a huge gap between the connections of the fat cats who call the decisive shots," Domhoff said.
Topeka. And their plea for help from the courts became the landmark decision on civil rights in the United States: Brown v. Topeka Board of Education.
Civil rights advocates were iubilant.
The Supreme Court agreed to hear the case in 1954, combining with similar cases attacked in Florida and segregation in South Carolina, Delaware and Virginia, and in Minnesota, in the District of Columbia.
schools could be maintained for blacks and whites if the schools were of equal quality.
Warren said he had been careful to make the language of the decision "short, unenlightened and unemotional." Then he spoke the words that were the first real step toward desegregation in America: "Separate educational facilities are inherently unequal . . . such conditions may constitute protection of the laws."
The Rev. Brown was present when chief Justice Earl Warren issued his opinion in May of that year. All the justices were present to indicate their agreement—even though some said he left a hospital bed to be there.
The occasion rejected the 1886 ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson, in which the court said senate
Louis H. Pollack, former dean of Yale Law School, said, "Except for waging and winning the Civil War and World War II, the decision was probably the most important governmental act of any kind since the Emancipation Proclamation."
Kemeth Clark, a noted black psychologist who testified in the Brown case on the psychological effects of segregation教育，在种族分离的阴影下，癌症 might be nearly complete within 10 years. '
Guard to prevent black students from entering Little Rock's Central High School, did Eisenhower use federal troops to enforce school integration. Many people said he acted just as Lincoln had done in issuing the Emancipation Proclamation not only to free African Americans for freedom or school integration, but rather to assert the dominance of the federal government.
The future proved their enthusiasm was unfounded. There was little progress toward
The troubling middle ages of the Brown decision followed. New Orleans Catholic priests and members of the Archbishop Joseph Rummel was teaching a strange new doctrine that racial integration had taken hold in high school in Clinton, Tenn., was dynamited in October 1958.
A few black college students staged the first sit-in in 1960 at a
Political people are increasingly resorting to nonparty means of bringing about political action. The emergence of Common Cause, Nader's Raiders and "public" activists is illustrations. Common Cause is only four years old and already its duespaying membership stands at about 350,000 (Republicans) year counted fewer than 200,000 regular contributors, and the Democrats have abandoned an effort or attracting constant donors.)
several other groups that sprang from the ashes of Students for a Democratic Society, including the People's Party and the National Interim Committee for a Mass Party of people are disaffected formation of a new socialist party.
A recent Mass Party of the pamphlet pimplist states, "The key to taking power lies in an historic historical bicolor which unnows itself the working class with those of all other oppressed groups. . . Not only blue collar workers but, for instance, white collar workers and government, technicians, people on welfare, unpaid workers in the home, prisoners and students are increasingly coming to share a common stress the overthrow of capitalism."
It was the state governments that would finally take action. The governors of Tennessee and Kentucky requested that the National Guard be called out to quell violence as desegregation proceeded in their states. When Texas Gov. Allan Shivers used to teach his students from the newly integrated schools of Mansfield, Tex., Eisenhower again refused to act.
Western states attend predominantly black schools.
William F. Buckley Jr., the conservative publisher of the National Review, sees a news alliance emerging between conservative and blue-collar Wallace poplists. Conservative strategist Howard Phillips wrote recently in Human Events. "The Republican rank and file, and file Wallace, ambassadors to Wallace, antbusters, veterans against amnesty, right-toll-lifers, small businessmen, families working people—the American middle class: They are our constituency. They embody the social interest. They are the general interest. They are still a major."
Not until late 1957, when Arkansas Gov. Orval Faubus used the Arkansas National
school integration in the next two years, and President D. Elenhower was reluctant to sit up southern voters.
In some urban areas, the percentage is much higher. In Chicago, 88 per cent of black students attend predominantly public schools; in New York, 92 per cent, and in New York, 84 per cent.
School desegregation essentially made no progress until the federal government decided to use federal aid to education as a weapon of integration.
Federal courts began to realize that the only way to bridge this geographic gap was segregation and was segregation through busing students. A federal court in North Carolina in 1971 ordered an extensive busing program for students from v. Charolette-Mecklenburg.
Woolorth's lunch counter in Greenville, N.C. Massive demonstrations of white students took place when token recipients attempted to enroll in the universities of Alabama and Georgia.
One tendency on the left is Eugene McCarthy, who has established a committee in Chicago to promote his work, and neither within the Democratic party or outside of it.
Even further to the left, groups like the Revolutionary Union, October League, Black Workers Congress, Puerto Rican Revolutionary Workers Organization and Soujouri Association, want to build a new communist party in the United States. They hope to organize a revolutionary movement of workers and students and lead it to revolution with their new party. In the process they hope to eclipse the traditional commander-in-chief oriented Communist party of the United States of America and the Trotskyist Socialist Workers party.
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The 1964 act was the government's initial response to the changing social conditions that had reduced the importance of the Brown decision. The South of the early 1950s had been an early focus of demands for protection that made where the largest number of blacks were discriminated against.
Another tendency was outlined in the August issue of the Progressive by Harry C. Boyte, a leader of the New American Movement. Boyte was an active socialist party in the United States based on the support of minorities, white-collar and blue-collar workers. The New American Movement, and
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Busing came to national attention for the first time in 1972 when federal agent Robert Keith, a black jurist, ordered busing in Pontiac. Mich. It was the first major northern city to be ordered by a federal court to busidegage schools to achieve school desegregation.
Neither the radicals nor the reactionaries would seem to have much chance of gaining access to the declining economy, the declining supply of energy and the coming food and water crisis, they have a better chance than they had in 40 years.
Buckley thinks that this "middle class" group would rally behind a Reagan-Wallace ticket in 1976. He points out that 27 per cent of those voting in the presidential race McGovern, not for Richard Nixon, currently conservatives, led by Reagan, Goldwater and others, are seriously considering splitting the
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White parents in Pontiac expressed their rejection of the school buses stored at school buses later were dynamited. Buses transporting black children were run off the street, Klan threatened Keth's life.
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Nixon's manipulation of the issue to attract voters entails a large turnout among many communities. Controversies soon broke out in Denver, Detroit, New York, Tampa and San Francisco.
The 1960s brought a mass migration of blacks to the cities of the North. Their arrival hastened the emigration of the white middle class from the already deteriorating cities to New York and Philadelphia, which was again a national but not enforced now by law, but rather by housing patterns that separated the races.
Busing rapidly became a political issue. Former president Sanders and the 1972 presidential campaign that he would ask Congress to place a moratorium on all busing to achieve racial integration. He later said he was against busing because of an amendment to prohibit busing.
Democrats reacted to their recent election victories by declaring that the old coalition was being replaced by collar liberals and minorities was once again intact and pointed to gubernatorial elections in New York, Connecticut and Massachusetts as evidence.
The latest complete figures of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare illustrate this segregation "in fact." Since 1964, the number of black students attending allblack schools has declined from 57,000 in 1964 to Most of this change has occurred in the 11 Southern states, however.
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About 50 per cent of black children attend predominantly black schools in the South. About 20 per cent of students in the Northern and
The violent confrontation that continues over busing in Boston is the latest important conflict between students and Boston students who boycotted classes, vandalized schools and buses, and harassed black students. President Gerald R. Ford's recent statement that he wouldn't use federal resources to address the debate has intensified the debate.
The hopeful predictions of civil rights leaders at the time of the Brown decision 20 years ago were clearly premature. Many black students are desegregated. But they couldn't have known that prohibiting school segregation under the law wouldn't be enough. Changing social patterns have created various obstacles to integration than man-made laws.
The integration the Rev. Oliver Brown began when he went to school in his neighborhood now is opposed by white parents in Boston who want their children to go to their neighborhood
Republicans reacted to their losses by calling on the party to broaden its constituency and with warnings about the health of the two-party system. Many Republicans fear that the party may not be able to win in a bounced back from its 1964 disaster. Before the election, President Gerald R. Ford warned that this situation
—Richard Paxson Contributing Writer
Nations argue as millions starve
The World Food Conference, however, shows that many nations are more concerned about the politics of climate change.
There is no place for political bickering in a discussion on how to save the starving millions.
KANSAN
firebrand oratory at the conference almost would be funny if the world food situation wasn't so serious.
India blamed its food plight on colonial rule. Jagjivan Ram, India's minister for agriculture and education, said centuries of colonial rule had distorted the pattern of developing nations' agriculture at the expense of the cultivation of food crops.
India became independent in 1947. One might ask what India has done since then to improve its agriculture. It seems unlikely that colonial rule governs the government to grow bombs instead of crops.
Hao Chung-sih, China's vice agriculture minister, in a truly amazing display of doublethink, blamed industrialized countries for provoking the world food crisis. Hao said the superpowers failed the world because they hadn't supplied the food and the clothing fiber the world needed. In the same speech he criticized United States' food aid program over the past 20 years, saying the program had weakened the will of the world's farmers to produce food for their own people and had thereby damaged the ability of developing countries to produce their own food.
Luis Echeverria, president of Mexico, blamed the wastefulness of the consumer societies in Western Europe and the United States for the food and energy crises. One example of wastefulness in Western society that Echeverria emphasized was feeding grain to animals. Eastern Europe had less affluent nations of a sufficient amount of protein. He neglected to mention that Mexican ranchers made a substantial income from selling feeder cattle to the United States.
Kuwait and Libya blamed the shortage of food in Asia and Africa on "the excessively luxurious life led by the United States and its allies, as well as its deliberate action to raise the prices of agricultural production inputs such as machinery, fertilizers and pesticides."
Clearly, most of the criticism was directed at the United States. Some of it was undoubtedly valid. One good criticism of the United States has been that the U.S. grant goods had been political, not humanitarian.
Food for Peace devotes more than half of its $1 billion program to South Vietnam, Cambodia and nations in the Middle East that have a political ax to grind. Recently Earl Butz,
secretary of agriculture, signed an agreement to wheat to Egypt in the second quarter of 1975.
Such an agreement isn't made out of generosity. It would have been far better to give that wheat to one of at least 30 or 40 nations that need it far more than Egypt needs it. Egypt is getting the grain because the United States does not produce it. The Soviet Union probably will soon announce Soviet participation in major Egyptian industrial projects.
The United States certainly has been responsible in part for the world food crisis, but the same can be said about the nations of the Third World who have been so outspoken in their criticism of the United States and other developed nations.
There is no villain in the food problem, no nation or group of nations completely responsible for the mass starvation we are witnessing. The villain is useless, and could turn out to be tragic.
Amirul Islam, former Bangladesh food minister and now a member of Parliament, said, "Human bodies are littering the streets while we live and on here in the World Food Conference."
Although Third World nations haven't hesitated to demand more economic and agricultural assistance from the United States, they refuse to consider population control for their own people, which may be the most effective means of preventing mass starvation in the future.
Islam said an average of 16,500 people had died every week for the past six weeks in Bangladesh
If the nations of the world are to be effective in combating world hunger, the squabbling must stop. It is time to ignore the injustices of the past and determine what to do about the future. Cooperation is one way to end the world food crisis; catastrophe is the other.
Glenn Meyer
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