4
Thursday, October 31, 1974
University Daily Kansan
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
OPINION
"TOO MUCH CHILE."
Dream dies with Allende
By MARK ZELIGMAN Sports Editor
The verdict on the Allende years, from when he was elected on Oct. 24, 1970, till the coup last September, won't be reached for awhile. He will represent the merits of history exists, just as there is disagreement about the merits of the junta's rule.
The utopian dream and the man behind it now lie buried together in a cemetery in Santiago, Chile. Salvador Allende, who dreamed of Chile as a socialist state functioning within fraternity, is in democratic form of a military coup that devoured his presidency last September.
However Allende may be viewed, his regime offers a marked contrast to the one in Chile today. Whereas Allende demonstrated his version of a dress code based on the way of living—calling his revolution one of “meat pies and red wines”—the junta is colorless and maintains a low profile. Fashion is one area in which change is most obvious: his hair and light slacks are out.
No one knows much about Gen. August Pinochet-Ugarte, the current leader, except from his history of public prominence as a military
The current Chilean government, a military junta, has rejected Allende's reformist version of Chile and has repealed most of Allende's programs.
Truth or lie, evangelism stays
Suddenly, Jesus is everywhere. Jesus buttons,
Jesus sweatshirts, Honk-if-you-love
bumper stickers, Jesus day-glo posters, Jesus
comics, the Jesus look. Jesus rock.
Somehow, fundamentalist evangelism has caught up with mass media and mass advertisement and is plastering stickers, converting tasters and plugging in guitars all over the world.
The reason Patrick does this is that he, like the movement is propagated and brainwashing.
So many children and young adults, whom the religious fervor strikes most often, have been alienated from families with moderate religious beliefs that many parents have been striking back.
Patrick described the deprogramming as being similar to a drug addict's withdrawal. The counselor, for up to a week, is kept there and talked to until he supposedly returns to his senses.
The Jesus people are said by many to be prime examples of propagandists, Charles A. Sieppmann in "Propaganda Techniques" quoted Aristotle on the three kinds of persuasion by the spoken word. The three kinds are, and depend on, putting the audience into a frame of mind, the personal character of the speaker and proof or apparent proof. The Jesus people often incorporate all three techniques into their zealous speeches.
In 1972 in California, Thomas Patrick, a detective, started what he calls a deprogramming business. For a fee, and at the request of parents, he will "steal" a child back from the particular Jesus movement to which the child belongs. After that, the deprogramming begins.
The speakers, the type that can be heard on many college campuses, instantly identify their personal character. They are gutsy and loud, the point of rudeness and invasion of privacy.
They instantly put the audience into a frame of imitation. They look like someone else, but there seems to be no middle-of-the-road available.
They also use apparent proof, almost always from the Bible, and often enough out of context.
The fundamentalist Jesus person works on an
appeal to guilt, which we antiestablishment college students are particularly full of, on a hundering fear of hell and a candy-sweet promise of heaven, and on a complete negation of any other possible means of happiness. He also suggests that the more he as to make a Madison Avenue advertisement stutter
I make sure we have stuffed out. One is forced to either give in or walk out. His pitch is on an express train with only one stop: Your salvation.
All questions are dutifully answered by enigmatic "Bible" quotations with a big Billy James Hargus friend-do-you-know-the-Lord the quote is followed by chapter and verse number; the quote is no doubt about its truth and, if you look closely, the key simplices are underlined.
If one, God forbid, should protest even the slightest, he is told that Satan has planted "his seed in your brain," a notion with disturbing implications. And if he protests too much, he is possessed with a demon from which only salvation can deliver him (no mention of an exorcist).
The Jesus experience seems particularly attractive to children, although it can affect anyone. The children are reared in moderately religious to staunchly religious homes and are often used as us, who are "lost." But lost before they are old enough to find anything to be lost from?
They are the young adults, who from the ages of 6 to 15, were only saved once a week. Sunday morning church to them was something for which they had to climb out of bed early so they could sing and otherwise bring in the sheaves. That was followed by the Sunday evening handsup, Saved-For-Christ Scoreboard, and then came Bible study and punch and cookies.
leader under Allende during happier times, when he was a supporter of Allende.
So, propaganda it may be. All the signs are there but it can't ever really be proved. Bible belt Christianity, as practiced by the Jesus other American fad. It has lasted too long and another people, people. Like that vacation in the summer, it is at least part of what America is all about.
That was four years ago, however, when a new spirit and a new leader arose in Chile. When Allende was elected in
Mike Fitzgerald Reporter
1970. Chile became the first Western Hemisphere country to elect a Marxist president.
Allende was a Marxist, but his actions later proved that he was a moderate, not conservatively for a practicing Marxist. His goal of reforming Chile into a socialist, yet democratic, state was radical. He had possibilities of success when it was announced.
Allende won with only 36 per cent of the popular vote, a achievement according to some critics. The president before him was Eduardo Frei, a Christian leader who ruled from 1964 to 1970.
Frei promised a "revolution in liberty". Although some change and reform was made, government produced no revolution.
Allende, therefore, managed to put together a shaky coalition of leftists, farmers, workers and the military, called Unidad Popular (UP), and gained a victory.
Allende's election was set up by the increasing dissatisfaction of the poor. Prices were skyrocketing, which hurt the economy and turnout among Democrats were a party of the middle class, not the poor.
Allende promised to raise the living conditions of the lower class when he was elected. For the first year he did.
The money supply was increased and distributed. Unemployment was cut from nine to three per cent. A land reform measure began earlier. Wages were carried out by Allende, and sued for a doubling in the amount of cultivable land.
But then the troubles set in. Allende inherited the problems
SHOW WHITE DIDN'T BLE INTO THE WITCH'S APPLE...'
SHE LISTENED TO A 1974 CAMPAIGN GREYTH'.
of massive debts and inflation from Frei and could never solve them. Always dependent on copper as the major export, Chile suffered when the price of copper on the world market fell.
Allende nationalized more than 300 industries, of which 40 added Chile's national economy, but made the United States angry. Angry then used its power to cut aid and credit to Chile.
Particularly crippling was a series of trucker and doctor strikes in 1972 that paralyzed the economy.
The recent disclosure of the CIA's involvement in the trucker strike and Chilean elections shows that Allende to fight not only internal opponents but also external ones.
If Allende lost his shaky coalition, he was through. He lost it when he alienated a number of military men in the cabinet, who resigned because they said they were being shut off from government. That was all the military needed to launch its coup.
He might deserve the criticism on the first count. His political naivete and mishandling of economic issues—the damage reached its peak under Allende, led to loss of popular support.
His idea of society can't be brushed aside as quickly, however. Though many argue that Allende's failure signified a failure for socialism through democracy, his administration has tried to push his program to get started. He didn't have a strong popular base and therefore can't be judged.
Alende's critics laud it on him on two counts; his political and economic policies while in office and of Chilean society itself.
Whether conditions are better in Chile today is also a matter for debate. Certainly material shortages are gone. Factories busy buypile inflation is down. The truckers are back to work.
The junta has returned the nationalized industries to their owners and has provided compensation to the American copper industries. Overtures have been made to foreign countries in efforts to improve relations.
The question is whether the restrictions on liberty that the junta has imposed outweigh the material gains.
Pinochet has been quoted widely as saying, "We want all Chileans united." Yet in some newspapers there is a notice of the arrest of a man to denounce those suspected of harboring leftist sympathies.
A strictly enforced curfew is in effect. All political parties and activities are banned. Pinochet announced there would be no elections for at least 50 deputies, unions provided Allende's strength, they've been closed down by the junta.
The press enjoyed almost unlimited freedom under Allende, but its rigor controlled the media. The press refused the junta's tells them to print.
Santiago, the capital of Chile, is under police control. The junta hasn't yet stopped its practice of rounding up dissenters and foreigners in the city. Xenophobia has set in. Foreigners have become the Chilean scapegoat.
Chile today has stability, but the poor have no dignity. During Allende's regime the opposite was true. Allende taught the worker that he was a self-respecting human being who has lived to a death standard of living. Under the junta, Chile's long history of deep class resentments will continue to exist.
What the junta has proved is that revolution in Latin America is the most viable road to change. Alende's downfall is blamed on his misconceived views, however, that Chile was not ready to make a peaceful transition to socialism.
"There should have been one more Christian Democrat," one member of the Christian Democrats said, "and then Allende. Then the people would have been ready."
The junt's regime might be better in some ways than Allende's. But Allende's experiment never really had a chance. The problem now is that given Chilean rules, the Junt can challenge and Allende's past failures, it looks as though Allende's dream will forever lay buried in the grave beside its creator.
Walk farther and save a tree
By JACK McNEELY Contributing Writer
Four of us were strolling on campus the other day to take in fall's incredible array of colors. As we came to the east end of
campus I started stepping a bit eagerly, for I remembered a particular tree that had boomed a vibrant red last year.
So I was all for rushing down to Security and Parking and
In its place was nothing. Just a gravel lot. A parking lot, my companions told me.
I tend to be irritationally hotened at times. Tweens such as you are may feel shattered or when my favorite treat is bullooned like a rocket.
I looked for my tree and,
horror of horrors, it wasn't red.
Not only was it not red, it wasn't
even there.
But my companions said with one voice (they must have practiced to be able to talk in chorus like that), "You know what the people at Security and you know what they say to you that everybody continually screams about how bad the parking situation is."
turning red in the face and pounding on a desk.
And my companions were right. Many times we had read of people complaining about the parking problem, as many times we had read a response from someone in Security and Parking, who invariably had said, "Parking is expensive." What problem? Why are they screaming about a parking problem? The number of parking spaces roughly equals the number of parking permits sold."
But if there are enough parking spaces to meet the demand for parking permits, why had somebody knocked
Dykes dodges Dole's bid for KU job
By STEVEN LEWIS
Contributing Writer
Do you have any idea of what poor old Chancellor Archie R. Dykes has gone through the past several months? Politician after politician has matched to the chancellor's office seeking the lavers and the chancellor's lieutenants in the tune in on one of the chancellor's sultans, Sen. Bob Dole, R-Kan.
"Have you been out campaigning on the farm this morning, Senator?"
"Howdy there, Chancellor Dykes."
"How'd you guess?"
"I noticed your cowboy hat and overalls."
overemphasizing the farm vote do you?"
"How'd you guess?"
'You don't think I'm
"Doctor! Doctor! I'm sick of that word! I could've been a doctor, too. What's so special about being a doctor?"
"I guess you've got to hit Dr Roy where he's weakest."
"I think Kansans trust doctors."
"You know, Chancellor, Roy likes to talk about doctor shortages. Well, the goal of my department is to move backward door back to Kansas."
"How about this one, Chan-
celer? One of Roy's patients
woke up after surgery and
found a knot on his forehead.
The nurse told him Dr. Roy had
run out of ether."
"Ha! Ha! Ha! That's better.
"Ha! Ha! Ha! That's a good one, Senator. But isn't that joke getting a little old?"
Senator. You're amazing, despite inflation and Watergate, you've kept your job. I wish I had time to listen to those of your Roy jokes, but I have other appointments."
"Forgive me. I'm trying to delay my unpleasant news for as long as I can. Don't let this get around, Chancellor, but I fear I'm going to lose this secret in my blood." "Now you send Sean."
"Chancellor, I came here today to ask whether you could
"Now, now, Senator, get hold of yourself."
There's another solution, of course, because all the parking spaces are at the bottom of the hill. You don't insult even to consider. Can you imagine me, an American citizen, with all a citizen's needs, be asked to park at the Hill and walk up?
find a place for me on the KU faculty."
uproot all the trees and pave over the Hill completely. Then we will be able to park almost anywhere. And nobody will have to park at the bottom of the Hill and walk up.
"Uh, well, I don't know,
Senator. Times are pretty tight.
Besides, we don't have a school
of agriculture. Why, we don't
even have a home economics
department."
"I could teach political science!"
"I don't know. Senator,
I "tidy" with agriculture that I
tiffed with agriculture that I
think it would be best for you to
talk to President McCain at K
"You mean you won't hire me?"
"I didn't say that. Senator. Why don't you go talk to Jerry Lewis. Maybe he can fix you with an LA& course. You could teach the history of Watergate, or something."
"Good luck, Senator. Thanks for coming. Mrs. Greenawalt, I'm ready now for Vern Miller."
"Is that all?"
"Well, we're looking for a permanent dean for the School of Social Welfare."
"Thanks but no thanks, Chancellor. I'm going to K-State."
Well, there's a solution to that problem. Let's hashtag the people at Security and Parking all the time, and after a while they'll
The problem isn't that there aren't enough parking spaces. The problem is that there are enough spaces where everybody wants to park. And everybody wants to park on top of the building preferably in front of Strong Hall.
over my tree for a parking lot?
Somebody had done it because
my tree had the misfortune
to stand on the Hill.
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