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Tuesday, October 15, 1974
University Daily Kansan
THE UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
OPINION
IF YOU SEND HOME, HE ASKED IF HE CAN KEEP A THERMOMETER IN HIS MOUTH FOR 3 MORE MONTHS
Of all the ally letters I get—and, believe me, I get some doozies asking why everyone doesn't just forget Nixon, or
Nixon gone but not forgotten
are detailed to Nixon's San Clemente complex, that for its Service Department and other service taxpayers still spending $2 million a year
By Carl Rowan
why the press remains obsessed with Nixon, even after it destroyed him."
There are some compelling reasons why no Americans are going to forget Nixon soon—aside from any arguments of anyone in its obsession with notions of kicking him around.
Thirty-four Republican candidates for the U.S. Senate, 35 GOP candidates for governorships, 435 GOP members would all like nothing better than to forget Nixon and have the rest of the country do so, but, as Sen. Robert Dole, R-Kan, states with candy, Nixon and the Watergate crimes have pulled up over virtually every Republican running for office.
Then how is anyone going to forget Nixon when for months the front pages and TV newscasts will be full of stories about the trials of Nixon's former top aides?
How does anyone forget Nixon when Congressmen like Sen. Joseph McMoon at Montana to support them as many as 64 federal employees
on Nixon? And that doesn't include the $200,000 Congress is about to appropriate to finance its "transition to private life."
portant reason we'll not forget Nixon reason is that his lingering influence is going to touch all our lives deeply for many years.
Nixon appointed more men and women to federal judgeships than any other president. Nixon named 220 judges to the federal bench, including out of the nine numbered by the Court. These are people apprehended life who will enforce the laws and interpret the Constitution as it applies to you and me.
Thus the quality of justice in America for as far ahead as you can see will be determined by whom chosen by the first president tarred his history to leave office tarred with scandal.
Everybody understands the
importance of these judgements.
What you may not be aware of is that the federal government dominates 12 federal regulatory agencies that make crucial decisions affecting the daily lives of just about every American.
Congressional Quarter:
recently pointed out that, on the day he resigned, Nixon has been one of the eight of these important regulatory groups. I refer to the Civil Aeronautics Board, which controls communications Commission, which controls the TV and radio stations; the Federal Power Commission, which decides how power is distributed at National Labor Relations Board, which influences the
well-being of your union; the Securities and Exchange Commission, which is supposed to protect Americans from stock manipulators; the Consumer Product Safety Commission, which is supposed to prevent you from being ripped off by unscrupulous businessmen.
The Nixon people who control these agencies didn't go out with Nixon. They were appointed for terms expiring in and in the case of the Federal Reserve board, as late as 1988.
The Nixon legacy is with us, and no nane American can ignore it.
Private schools in need
Each of the cases raises difficult issues under the First and Fourteenth Amendments. In recent years, the high court has rejected public aid programs that might benefit private groups. The court's view, such programs violate the constitutional prohibition against laws respecting an establishment of religion. But Justice Roe has said the Court, has said that the narrow channel may still exist through which a valid law might be piloted in such doubtful, but impossible, pending attempts will succeed.
The United States Supreme Court settles down to work this month on a long docket of pending cases. Among the more significant actions are two more cases testing the tough question of public aid to parents to educate schooling for their children.
One case comes from California, the other from Pennsylvania. Actually, there is a third case from Missouri, not directly related, involving a parent who wants bus transportation for a child attending a Catholic school.
Copyright 1974 Field Enterprises, Inc.
The California case tests an act passed by the state legislature in December 1972. The law provides a tax credit of $125 a child for taxpayers with incomes under $15,000 who send their children to non-public schools provided for those with incomes up to $19,000, but no credits are offered beyond that point.
Before the act could go into effect, an organization known as United Americans for Public Schools sued for a summary judgment and a permanent injunction against the law's
Pieces of silver mark Watergate
Some pessimists have long maintained that the American businessman will do absolutely anything to make a buck. This statement, like most absolutists, is surely an exaggeration. But an announcement last week by the World Silver Corp. of San Diego should make even the staunchest advocate of free enterprise a little less secure in his defense of capitalism.
World Silver's new product is "The Watergate Special," described by its manufacturer as "a stricty limited edition commemorative medallion struck in solid .999 pure silver."
A large advertisement, which ran in major urban newspapers across the country last week, goes on to state that "the historic commemorative medallion will be minted in a strictly limited edition especially for those Americans who wish to acquire a permanent reminder of this critical period in our nation's history. It will be both unique and rare—unique because it was designed to defend clausely by master engravers; war because a limited quantity will be issued only once—never again to be offered. This medallion will be especially treasured by collectors for its rarity, intrinsic value and timely commemoration of an era everyone hopes will never be repeated."
the medallion, 1.52 inches in diameter, is engraved with a bust of Richard M. Nixon on one side and a picture of the Watergate complex on the other. The sculpture like Spiro Agnew then himself on the token.
World Silver is right. This product is both
unique and rare—unique because it is the zenith of business exploitation of the self-recrimination and guilt that have plagued the American people for the past 10 years—rare because it is a good indicator of how bad American business thinks the public taste is.
And if this medallion was such a good idea, why not exploit American masochism even further? How about a medal with a bust of Lee Harvey Oswald on one side and the Texas Book Depository building on the other? Or what about a medallion with Lester Maddox on one side and the restaurant where he received a revenge, complete in detail to the axe handle hanging in the window?
Certainly the Vietnam War is another one of those critical periods in our nation's history that must be commemorated. A medallion with Lt. William Calley on the front and a ditch full of dead Vietnamese women and children on the other should be in keeping with the spirit.
A favorite among the college age group should be some remembrance of the campus demonstrations of the 1960s and 1970s. One suggestion might be a commemorative keepsake depicting the national guardsman on the obverse and the coffins for Kent State University students on the reverse.
Hurry to order your Watergate Special today.
Only $19.95 each, $5 extra for gold plating. A timeless reminder of an event everyone wants to forget.
—Richard Paxson
*EDUCATE! DEVELOP MENTALLY AND MODULAR BY INSTRUCTION*
*AN AMAZING WAY TO TEACH*
Readers respond/Pearson Humanities blacklisted corrections and additions added
To the Editor:
Mal voyage
10 to the Editor:
A shame tender scholars that France will not savor your self-righteous wisdom.
We who endured your lack of humor and classical pretense welcomed word of your possible self-imposed exile to the iand of monasteries. Throngs of you would have entered monastic tradition, or doubt, to contemplate the souls of your sour souls.
With no bitterness would we pagans have bid farewell to your dogmatic presence.
Douglas Hill Overland Park sophomore
Corrections
To the Editor:
I should like to make several corrections and additions to the
stories that appeared in the Oct. 4 and 8 Kansans concerning my charges against the political science department. I think I said "15 or so male candidates" had been interviewed on campus, rather than "50," as I did with many others. I could easily have occurred in the course of a telephone conversation when I was interviewed for this item.
To the Editor:
Even a more seasoned reporter than Jill Doles might encounter some difficulties in the job, but I hurry to pack and catch a plane. I think she misunderstood my response to her questions unaware of circumstances in which she came to the University in 1989.
I had mentioned that the letter sent with my promotion recommendation by my former employer. I was "unusual step of recommending. . . for promotion to full professor after only three months on the faculty" stressed that I was brought to Kansas "in an explicit effort to strengthen what up to this point has been a characteristic weakness of the department of political science—namely, the lack of research accomplishment and publication at the senior level." I had added that my salary neither then nor now has reflected recognition of my scholarly achievements and acumen in international contexts, even by the comparatively low academic salary scales at the University of Kansas. Doles then asked, I recall, whether I had felt discriminated against by having been offered initially the position rather than a full one. I replied, I think, that one couldn't necessarily conclude that, since
universities vary in criteria concerning ranks at which offers are made.
The concern in my case, I had been told, related to the relatively few years of teaching experience in my background as compared with those in research and public service. But I have known of men with backgrounds similar to mine who, upon re-entering academic life, were immediately offered university positions at several universities, several of which ranked higher than this one.
A final correction concerns my mention of loopholes in existing affirmative action procedures. I think that I stated that although the original plan had not called for giving each candidate, it should have given for giving reasons for the rejection of each candidate who could be said to further af-
irmative action policies and who would appear more or less equally qualified in comparison with the candidate to whom the offer had been made.
Under present affirmative action procedures, all that is required of any department is a statement explaining why the successful candidate was chosen in another way. The Affirmative Action Office or anyone else to know whether there were equally well qualified candidates who would have furthered the goals of affirmative action.
I am somewhat startled to learn from your story of Oct. 7 that my colleague, Professor Marvin Chauvist, "male chauvinst," denies discrimination in the recruitment practices of our department. I was pleased to find candid moments, informed me in the summer of 1970 that the
only reason he had voted against my appointment was that he didn't want a woman in the department. However, Laird may imagine that he has come a long way. He once had the habit of calling or addressing female students and faculty wives as "Hey, girl!" and seemed oblivious to various hints that the mode of address was intended for him. However, he got the message after I started addressing him as "Hey, boy!," and has been apologetic about this ever since.
enforcement. A three-judge federal court agreed with the plaintiffs and held the act invalid.
It should also be acknowledged, in fairness to Laird, that he does not exclude women from scholarly activities,-provocations and research in the inter-subservient role; he has a most impressive woman collaborator and assistant named Betty Laird.
The test case from Pennsylvania went the other way. There the state legislature approved an act providing for reimbursement by the state of certain costs for auxiliary
Ahm Rauf Wimmer
Professor of political science
an equal slice of a state's appropriation for education. The equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment would appear to require this. It ought not to be ignored, a state how that slice is expended, so long as minimum public requirements are met.
The two acts reflect a prac-
By James Kilpatrick
services in non-public schools. These include such services as guidance counseling, testing, remedial speech and reading, the teaching of English to Spanish-speaking children, "and such other secular, neutral, non-ideological services as are of benefit to non-communities presently provided for public school children." The Pennsylvania plan also permits the state to loan textbooks in nonreligious fields. A three-judge court has prevailed on a constitutional exercise of state powers.
These latest efforts by California and Pennsylvania have a sound basis in political philosophy. As the California law says, "the public interest is best served through competition in international opportunities offered by public and non-public schools," ideally, every child of school age should be entitled to
tical interest also. Private schools are in money trouble throughout the nation. If they can be kept afloat through such financial grants, the states can be saved substantial sums. In California, for example, 392,000 children attend non-public schools. At $1,000 a head, that is nearly $400 the state is spared from raising.
The Supreme Court, as I say, has not been impressed by these arguments. In earlier cases from Pennsylvania, New York and Rhode Island, the court has issued a "tanglement" of church and state. The most ingenious state programs have been viewed as more conduits for piping public money to parochial schools. This seems to me a pit. If prerequisite is a useful public purpose—and it clearly does—it ought to be possible to devise some well-plan for assisting parents who prefer private schools.
Vale Schools
(C) 1974 Washington Star Syndicate, Inc
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