"Snug, Ain't It?"
Editorials Protesting, up-to-date
All these years I've been going on the assumption that everything is up-to-date in Kansas City. And since living in Lawrence, I've come to feel that everything is up-to-date at the University of Kansas, too.
Back in the olden days when I first began the study of journalism, the students meekly took notes on departmental announcements, turned out little background features, tried to say something different each year about Hallowe'en—or Valentine's Day—or whatever. No one ever thought of advocating (in print, that is) beer on campus, sexual experimentation, smoking "pot" (in fact, it hadn't been too many years since no one was supposed to smoke anything, even Spuds), or doing away with curfew.
THE BIGGEST—AND only—student demonstration I saw during two years at a girls' school to demand the privilege of wearing bobby socks during the day (not to dinner, of course; no one was so far out as not to dress for dinner). What it amounted to was sneaking out of the dorm at night to build a bonfire with hundreds of old stockings and set up appropriate signs. We never started the fire, because we were tipped off by a friendly teacher that it was an inopportune time since the president was approaching in a huff (something like an Essex).
Now our local political activists manage to get in on about every idea that comes along. Several went to Washington recently to get in on that demonstration so people would know that KU (or a minute percentage of it) cares. The first march on Washington I remember was a bunch of hungry veterans (of World War I) who wanted pensions during the depression (of the Thirties) because there were not enough jobs available. They didn't get the pensions, but it certainly started a trend.
Actually, the local demonstrators seem to be pretty quiet and thoughtful persons. We had one brandisher of an inappropriate sign, and one who marched unencumbered by any sign—in fact, by practically anything—so no one ever knew just what he was doing walking down Jayhawk Boulevard. I look on these efforts as sort of all-purpose demonstrations, and frankly I don't think I could top them.
HAVING SUCH A POOR record as a demonstrator, I don't believe I'll try another protest march. I've decided I'll identify with those all-purpose marchers, and live dangerously by reading the UDK and attending Ingmar Bergman movies. That's up-to-date enough for me.
Yvonne Willingham
Home Sweet Home
ELECTRONIC BOOGING IN THE U.S.
© 1985 HERRLUND
THE WAITINGTON PRESS
One-party government in 1965
During 1965 the American people have had a first hand look at one-party government. Outnumbered more than two to one in the U.S. Congress, the Republican party has had little opportunity to carry out its programs at the national level.
Having control of the executive and legislative branches of the national government, and the cooperation of the judicial branch, the Democratic party has had the rare chance to govern without having to seriously consider the views of the other party.
What have the Democrats done with this chance?
The "Medicare" Bill, which finances hospitalization and some other medical care for the elderly under the Social Security program, easily passed despite the vocal opposition of the American Medical Association. A Republican alternative which would have been voluntary, have covered all medical expenses, and have been paid for by general tax revenues and premium payments of the insured, was turned down.
A MASSIVE "WAR on Poverty" was approved. Since it has gone into effect some of its programs, particularly the "Job Corps," have drawn heavy fire as being mismanaged, ineffective and mere tools to pass out political payola. Of all its programs, "Operation Head Start," which is designed to raise the educational and cultural level of preschool underprivileged
children, has received the most acclaim.
A voting rights bill to stop discrimination against Negroes who seek to register to vote was passed. The bill allows federal registrars to register voters in areas which have literacy tests and where less than 50 per cent of the voting age population voted in 1964, if there is evidence that Negroes seeking to register have been discriminated against in these areas. These federal registrars can register anyone who is of age, literate or illiterate. However, most political scientists feel that voters should meet some form of literacy requirement. Many persons have argued that literacy tests should be kept, but administered by federal registrars, where they have been used to discriminate against Negroes.
The department of Housing and Community Affairs, a new cabinet agency, was created.
Federal excise taxes were finally repealed to the joy of all users of such "luxuries" as automobiles and cosmetics. Both parties supported the measure.
MANY OTHER administration programs were transformed into law. Only twice did Congress balk. The "Home Rule". Bill for Washington, D.C., did not pass, and the drive to reveal Section 14-b of the Taft-Hartley Act was stopped by a Senate filibuster.
In the field of foreign affairs, the big issue was American
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policy in Viet Nam. Republican members of Congress have given the President their support, while urging him to make victory, rather than neutralization, the goal of U.S. policy. Several Democratic congressmen and senators have called for a withdrawal from Viet Nam, but they are in the small minority.
The past session of Congress has truly been one of great activity. Whether the massive spending programs and increased federal bureaucracy will benefit our country is another question, open to partisan replies from both sides. The 1966 election will give the people the chance to decide.
The Democratats are split between Southern conservatives and the liberals from throughout the nation including Southern states. The switching to the Republican party of South Carolina Congressman Albert Watson and Sen. Strem Thurmond is evidence of this split. Two Mississippi Congressmen who supported Goldwater are reported to be considering the same thing. Some conservative Southern Democrats have undoubtedly felt uncomfortable in their party during the past year. Perhaps the 1966 elections will see a few more of them continue the "switching" trend.
What has the past year shown about the parties themselves? Are they united or divided?
ROBERT KENNEDY and his younger brother, Edward, have been very active the past year. This doesn't spell much danger for President Johnson's position, but Vice-President Humphrey's future ambitions may run into Kennedy opposition.
Although the differences between the wings of the Republican party are not as great as in the Democratic party, they are still formidable. Also, although the conservatives appear to be strongest, the wings are of more equal strength than they are in the Democratic party.
The conservatives conceded the first battle of the year when the then Republican National Chairman, Dean Burch, resigned without a fight. Burch was replaced by a moderate, Ray Bliss of Ohio. Since Bliss has taken over, most of the conservatives on the staff have resigned voluntarily or been forced to resign.
During the Young Republican National Convention last summer, a conservative, State Sen. Tom Van Sickle of Kansas, was elected as Young Republican National Chairman by a three to two margin. Tom Pauken, a conservative although he avoids labels, was elected National College Young Republican Chairman with no significant opposition.
At least two persons seem to already be running for the 1968 Republican presidential nomination. They are Richard Nixon and Michigan Gov, George Romney. Barry Goldwater hes said Nixon seems to be the front runner. Most conservatives feel that Nixon is the only moderate candidate of national stature they would support, since the defection of many others during the Goldwater campaign. Romney, more in the middle of the party than Rockefeller, would be an ideal candidate of the liberal wing. He could poll more moderate Republican support than Rockefeller could hope to.
WHAT ABOUT SPECIAL elections during 1965? Did they show any significant trends?
The Democrats won important victories in the New Jersey and Virginia gubernatorial elections. In New Jersey the Republican candidate based much of his campaign on the firing of a state university professor who said he would welcome a Viet Cong victory. The Democrat won in a landslide. In Virginia an alliance between the machine of former Sen, Harry Byrd, labor and the Negro vote, spelled defeat for the Republican.
The Republicans didn't lose them all, though. In a special election for the reapportioned Georgia House of Representatives, Republicans tripled their representation to establish a 10 per cent minority. In South Carolina, U.S. Representative Albert Watson, who had switched to the Republican party, ran for his seat as a Republican, and defeated his Democratic opponent in a landslide. Republicans won mayoralty contests and other local elections in other areas of the once "Solid South."
Outside of the South, Vermont was a tremendous victory for the Republicans. Vermont's popular Democratic governor, Phillip Hoff, had called for the election of a "Hoff team" to the state legislature in November. Instead, half of the Democrats were swept out of the State Senate, and Republicans gained a larger majority than they had before in the House of Representatives. Democratic representation in the State Senate fell from 43 per cent to 20 per cent.
Rep. John Lindsay's victory in the New York City mayoral election was hailed by some as a great Republican victory. However, most observers feel it was more of a personnel victory for Lindsay than a victory for the party.
THE ELECTIONS SEEM to indicate that Republicans are gaining strength in the Deep South, and for the first time may become a truly national party. They are also making a comeback in traditional Republican areas. However, with the exception of New York City, the Democrats have proved they can still win in the Democratic and border areas, and this is all they have to do to remain the majority party.
—John Sharp
Daily Kansan Tuesday, January 4, 1966