Page 2 University Daily Kansan Wednesday, Oct.14, 1964 ASC Gone to the Dogs According to theory, student government is supposed to pattern itself after effective national government—that is, a system derived for the effective and just rule of a consenting body of people. THE THEORY HAS GONE completely to the dogs on this campus. The once-effective ASC and political parties have reduced themselves to something vaguely resembling a debating society, devoid of logic, however. In the first meeting of the year, the president of the student body, Bob Stewart, devoted some of his speaking time to a criticism of last year's administrative handling of the ASC funds. Some of this may have been called for, but I feel sure that on a campus this large there must have been other more pressing issues to discuss besides the past years. I thought we were supposed to be going forward to a new era, or something like that. VOX POPULI, at its first meeting, decided to return kind for kind, so it slammed the University Party. What happened to all the unity that is supposed to arise from the knowledge of the job to be done? Not to be outdone, University Party, at its first meeting, sharply criticized Vox for putting out a bunch of "hot air?" I would like to know IF WE ARE GOING to have student government, and it appears inevitable, I might ask that the two parties quit using the All Student Council and their political party meeting for a stomping "I hate you" campaign. what else the whole mess could be labeled as— Mickey Mouse, perhaps? The students on the campus, whether they ask for it or not, are entitled to a just and effective student government. I submit we are not getting it, or anything close to it. How could we—when the meetings are used to air the political grudges of the persons involved? UP IS STILL CROWING about its victory of last spring and Vox is still smarting from its defeat. It is time to stop exulting and liking the wounds. With things as they stand now, it is not too unlikely that some students might change their minds about both parties. It is high time the junior "politicians" stopped acting like children and decided to get down to the business of student government. WE HAVE BEEN IN SCHOOL for almost a month now. Surely there is something to discuss besides the other party and how utterly nasty and unscrupulous they are. — Leta Cathcart Barry Uses Communism THE MAGIC word in American politics since shortly after the end of World War II has been "Communist." When any other charge against an opponent or a political enemy has been too hard to prove, calling him a Communist became most effective in casting doubt on his character, with little proof needed to back up the charge. In these years almost every influential man in this country has been labeled a Communist at least once. Although the practice has not been quite so prevalent in the last few years as it once was, it is impossible that such a foolproof device would be missing from the 1964 Presidential campaign. Sen. Goldwater has indeed found it just as useful as countless others before him. But his Communist labeling has risen above the mud-slinging level where it has commonly been practiced onto a higher plane more in line with presidential politics. ALTHOUGH IT WOULD not be quite as hard for some Americans to believe President Johnson is a Communist as it was for them to believe President Eisenhower was when the charge was leveled against him, for Goldwater to make the charge openly would not sit well with most people. However, when he says that the Johnson administration is soft on communism and then briefly mentions the Berlin Wall, the Cuban missile crisis, and Southeast Asia to prove his point, the scare value is about equal to what it would have been if he had called Johnson a "card-carrying Communist." GOLDWATER HAS declared himself a militant anti-Communist and described the Cold War as a "struggle between Godless people and the people of God... between slavery and freedom." He feels that we cannot live with these two philosophies in the world forever. "Sometime there will be only one," he has said. Johnson's foreign policy, he says, is a policy of accommodation with the Soviet Union, and to this softness of policy he attributes every major crisis in the world today. — Jackie Helstrom Supreme Court Draws Fire ON INSTANCES too numerous to mention Sen. Barry Goldwater has been accused of foolish, unqualified statements about every aspect of the campaign. His opinions about foreign aid, civil rights, South Viet Nam and the United Nations have been duly recorded in the press, and his opponents have taken careful aim and retaliated each of his barbs on these topics. BUT ONE ISSUE, one that affects every American in some way, has gone unchallenged by the President because he sees "nothing to be gained" in discussing it. The seemingly unimportant problem is the United States Supreme Court. THE ARIZONA senator has made pointed attacks on the court many times. He has said the court is "the least faithful to the constitutional tradition of limited government of the three branches of government." He also questions the court as a "third legislative chamber." In laying out his reasons for the attacks Goldwater repeatedly has asked President Johnson for his views on the court, only to be met with a stony silence from the White House. The President, as his party's leader and policy maker for America, should at least find the court a feasible issue on which to debate. But obviously he does not. He has said the last really "live" issue confronting the court was in the Roosevelt days, when the President made his historic court-packing proposal. JOHNSON, then, feels that desegregation, reapportionment, Bible-reading in schools, and fifth amendment application to states as well as federal courts are not worth discussing with his opponent. EVEN WHEN Goldwater said "The 1954 Supreme Court desegregation decision is not necessarily the supreme law of the land" there were ripples of dissession, but not one definite blow at the Senator's argument. All of the changes the court has made have affected the heart of American life, yet Johnson either will not or cannot tell the people what he feels about the court. It seems incredible that Johnson does not feel the need to tell the people how he feels about the Tuck Bill, which would reverse action of the court by denying its jurisdiction in a specific field. The bill would leave intact the Supreme Court's ruling that both houses of state legislatures must be apportioned on a population basis. The bill would, however, leave no enforcement powers — the federal courts couldn't act. If state courts acted there could be no appeal. The result could turn out to be 50 apportionment plans — one for each state. ALMOST EVERY ASPECT of the Tuck Bill would have an effect on the public. Yet it is not being discussed by both candidates—just Goldwater. Whether Goldwater wants to use the court as just another gimmick to bring criticism to it and the current administration is to be debated. But there is no doubt that it should be a major issue in the campaign and both candidates should announce their views on the controversial court. If they do not they will leave a void in the already arid desert of election oratory and promises. — Linda Ellis "Help!" BOOK REVIEWS THE HORIZON HISTORY OF CHRISTIANITY, with narrative by Roland H. Bainton (Horizon, regular edition, $18.95, before Dec. 31, $14.95; boxed edition, $25, before Dec. 31, $19.95). And it's worth it. Consider what you dole out for textbooks, and then look at this magnificent book, as logical a gift for Christmas time as anything you'll see anywhere this year. It's a beautiful thing even if your preoccupations—or occupations—don't tend toward the religious. The distinguished scholar Roland H. Bainton has written the narrative, but for many purchasers the illustrations will make the book worth the price. What the editors of Horizon, plus Bainton, have tried to do is to present a history of the impact of Christianity on western civilization, going back to the Jewish, pre-Christian era and bringing the story up to today. THE BOOK IS HUGE; the photographs are lush (many of them are paintings, including works by Michelangelo, Rembrandt and El Greco); the narrative is 135,000 words long. The approach is panoramic, so if you're looking for something narrowly doctrinal this is not your book. In respect to the art, there are examples of Christian work from almost 20 centuries, from paintings in the Roman catacombs to the sweeping vistas Michelangelo did for the Sistine Chapel. There are pictures of the Crucifixion, cathedrals of the Middle Ages that have been so meaningful both in religion and architecture, simple meeting houses of America. THESE ARE THE GENERAL subjects treated in the book backgrounds of Christianity, with a portfolio on the life of Christ; the ministry of Christ; the church in the world of Rome, and the early persecutions; the Christian Roman empire under Constantine; the spread of the faith of the barbarians; the development of the feudal system and rivalry of popes and emperors, plus the Crusades; the age of faith in the medieval era, with development of cathedrals and universities; the decline of the papacy and rise of nationalism; the Reformation, spotlighting Luther, Calvin, the English break with Rome; the wars of religion, including the Thirty Years' War and the expulsion of the Huguenots; the Enlightenment and the coming of deism, and Christianity in the modern age. Dailij Hänsan 111 Flint Hall 111 Flint Hall UNiversity 4-3646, newsroom UNiversity 4-3198, business office University of Kansas student newsnaper Founded 1889, became biweekly 1904, triweekly 1908, daily Jan. 16, 1912. 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