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University. Daily Kansan Wednesday, March 3, 1965
Good Grief-What Next?
In 1759 a literary genius, a Spartan with a pen, in a fit of anger, wrote one of the greatest short stories ever written.
Two hundred years later two authors, inspired by the hilarious adventures of "Candide," created their modern day version of Voltaire's simpleton, changed his sex, and appropriately called the contemporary counterpart "Candy."
The inspiration and the idea was brilliant, the so-called "masterpiece" and best-seller is sick!
VOLTAIRE'S brilliant satire was written in opposition to the optimistic philosophy of the German philosopher Leibnitz, that this world was the "best of all possible worlds."
The authors of "Candy" have pirated the technique of a beautiful satire and have prostituted it with over 200 pages of sex commercialism which is supposed to be a satire on various contemporary, provincial attitudes toward sex.
The author of "Candide" led his naive, fictitious character of the same name through unbelievable misfortunes to ridicule a popular belief at that time that many evils were really for the best in this "best of all possible worlds."
THE AUTHORS OF "CANDY" have dragged a simple, naive character of the same name through all kinds of depraved sexual scenes to ridicule her silly notion that "to give of oneself—fully—is not merely a duty prescribed by an outmoded superstition, it is a beautiful and thrilling privilege!"
The outcome is, needless to say, something short of "beautiful."
It is getting more difficult these days to tell where art ends and pornography begins. The latter word will probably be dropped from the English language as it is being judged more meaningless every day.
AS ONE COLUMNIST, Jenkin Lloyd Jones, put it: "Candy' is the end result of bubble-headed court decisions that have broadened the definition of 'art' to the point where most judges can't tell the difference between a privy and the Parthenon."
With the arrival of Candy, that infamous lady of pleasure. Fanny Hill, must step aside. Fanny is now as old-fashioned as last spring's hatwear.
Good Grief—What Next?
Gary Nolan
USSR Feels 'Pinch' in Viet Nam
By Phil Newsom
UPI Foreign News Analyst
If, in Viet Nam, the Russians find themselves in a squeeze play between the United States and the Red Chinese, it is not the first time.
In Viet Nam, the theory is that Soviet Premier Alexei Kosygin's first intent on his recent visit to North Viet Nam was to urge a "political settlement" of the Communist-supported war in South Viet Nam.
THIS PORTION OF his mission failed because of the Red attacks on American installations and the United States' prompt response.
The subsequent swift march of events contained the danger that Russia, even though reluctantly, might become involved in the war itself.
WHETHER OR NOT THE stepped up attacks against the Americans were timed to coincide with Kosygin's visit, the results fit in nicely with Red Chinese policy.
Either the Russians would have to do something or forfeit
their hopes for a new voice in Asia.
The Chinese then would be the gainers in the struggle for leadership of world communism.
ON THE OTHER HAND, A major factor in the Chinese opposition of the Soviet Union's proclaimed policy of co-existence has been their fear of agreement between the United States and the USSR.
As the situation developed in Viet Nam, the Chinese couldn't lose.
Other instances come to mind.
Back in 1958, during the Mid-east crisis, former Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev first proposed a summit conference in Geneva or "anywhere else" and then agreed to a counter-proposal by President Eisenhower that a big-power meeting be held in the United Nations Security Council.
THERE FOLLOWED a secret meeting between Khrushchev and Red Chinese Leader Mao Tse-tung in Peking in which the Chinese vetoed the idea of a meeting which not only would
include the United States but the Nationalist Chinese as well. Khrushchev bowed to the Red Chinese and the meeting never was held.
THE KHRUSHCHEV-Eisenhower meeting in 1959 engendered the short-lived friendly "spirit of Camp David." After it, Khrushchev once more visited Peking.
As Mao Tse-tung trumpeted that war is the "highest form" of the Socialist revolution, Khrushchev declared:
"WE, ON OUR PART, must do everything possible to preclude war as a means for settling outstanding questions."
Then came the U2 spy plane incident over the Soviet Union and the collapse of the Paris summit conference in May, 1960.
REMARKED MAO: "IN THE past certain people, Khrushchev, have described Eisenhower as a person wholly devoted to world peace. I hope these people will be awakened by this incident."
So it was familiar reading when at the 15th anniversary of the Chinese-Soviet treaty of friendship the Chinese declared co-existence with the United States "out of the question" and demanded "concrete action."
Dailij Hansan
"Well, That Just About Wraps It Up"
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BOOK REVIEWS
THREE PLAYS BY NOEL COWARD, introduction by Edward Albee (Delta, $1.95); NEW THEATRE IN AMERICA, edited by Edward Parone (Delta, $1.95).
Moving from the bright sophisticated comedy of the twenties and early thirties to the lost souls of the sixties is quite a jump. No one tries to achieve it in one volume, but Delta gives us in two new volumes the comedies of Noel Coward (with an introduction by Edward Albee), and a set of plays of our times, so different in mood and theme.
The Noel Coward plays truly belong to another age, and this dated quality may endear them to some readers who are tired of the recent realism of Broadway, culminating in a play set in a men's urinal. The Coward plays are "Private Lives," "Hay Fever" and "Blithe Spirit." They seemed pretty shocking at one time; now they're old-fashioned. "Blithe Spirit" is a standard today and provided the basis for the musical called "High Spirits." "Private Lives" is always good, even though one can't quite believe in those Lunt-Fontanne-Tallulah Bankhead people any more. But they're no more aimless than the new heroes, or anti-heroes.
In "New Theatre in America" Edward Parone has assembled seven plays. William Hanley, currently represented on Broadway, offers "Mrs. Dally Has a Lover," about a middle-aged woman and her young lover. Lawrence Osgood's play is "The Rook," about a domestic row and a chess game. Harvey Perr's is "Upstairs, Sleeping," concerning a young man and the family that lives below. Ben Maddow's is "In a Cold Hotel," about an aging theater type and his illegitimate son. Howard Sackler's is "The Nine O'Clock Mail," about an American and marital conflict. Lee Kalcheim's is "Match Play," about a youth and his war on his girl, his father and the Army. LeRoi Jones's is "Dutchman," concerning a young Negro and a blonde.
It is in the tragic last years that the book achieves its best moments—the Versailles conference, the fight for the treaty and the League of Nations. And Rollins recalls some historical appraisals of Wilson—"... if Wilson was more often a great failure than a great victor, he wore, as he left this world of tragedy, the mantle of the prophets. For, even as he erred, he had moved his nation in the path of the future. His words had revived the American faith in democracy...
In the fashions of historiography Woodrow Wilson seems to be "up." He is not riding as high as he was a few years ago when hopes for the United Nations were higher, but he is far from the failure some have labeled him.
Those acquainted with the author's "Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Age of Action" will recognize the writing technique employed here. There is the text by Rollins, set in italic type to distinguish it; then the original documents that give such scholarly flavor to the work. Selections are by and large appropriate, the author leaning on histories and biographies as well as contemporary writings.
Alfred Rollins has produced a readable book that leans heavily on speeches, letters, official documents and newspaper editorials to tell the story of Wilson. The story begins with 1912, the year of Wilson's ascendancy into national prominence, goes back to review his climb—the presidency at Princeton, the governorship of New Jersey. Then the years of the New Freedom and World War I are treated.
"... above all, it was the prophecy of peace that Wilson left to a younger generation."
THE FRANCHISE AFFAIR, by Josephine Tey (Dell, 45 cents); POIROT LOSES A CLIENT, by Agatha Christie (Dell, 45 cents); 13 FOR LUCK, by Agatha Christie (Dell, 45 cents); THE THREE COFFINS, by John Carr (Dell, 60 cents)—A group of mysteries that rate almost in the near-classic category. Carr, Christie and Tey are among the most popular practitioners of the detective story; the books are vastly entertaining and probably worth more than many of the widely heralded books that become obscure in a matter of weeks.
WOODROW WILSON AND THE NEW AMERICA, by Alfred B. Rollins Jr. (Dell Laurel, 75 cents).
The People Say...
Dear Editor:
RECENTLY A BILL HAS BEEN presented in the Kansas legislature which would, if passed, require that high school teachers of social studies, world history, government, etc. teach about communism. Let me, at this point, assure the reader of this letter that I believe that communism, fascism, nazism, and all other forms of government should be taught about. (I make the distinction between teaching communism and teaching about communism.) The part of the bill with which I take issue is that part which requires the teaching of this form of government. I am sure that we would look on a bill as ridiculous if it required a doctor to give us a shot of penicillin every time we went to his office for a check up. Granted, penicillin is good in the prevention and checking of infection; but the matter of whether or not to use the drug must be left entirely in the hands of the doctor. If we submit ourselves to the judgment and authority of the doctor, we must not disregard his professional opinion or presume that our opinion is worth more than his. The same situation exists in connection with a bill passed by a legislature which
would require the presence or absence of instruction in a certain subject matter field.
We have delegated to the education profession the authority to educate our children. In granting this authority, we are assuming that this professional educator is more competent in this area than we; therefore, better able to make decisions concerning the education of our children. Therefore, it seems somewhat inconsistent and unethical for us to force one of our unprofessional opinions on a group which we have previously certified to be professionally competent in these matters. The legislature is overstepping its area of authority and responsibility when it dictates to the education profession what it may or may not teach in the classroom. The decision whether or not to teach about communism, genetics, or sex should and must be left in the hands of the professional educator. This educator is specifically trained in this area and it is his and only his job, responsibility, and professional obligation to handle such matters.
Sincerely, Mike Hibbard Kansas City, Mo., senior