The Hill With It by john hill "May I have your attention please? The annual meeting of the United Network of Clumsiness, Organized Uncomfortableness, and Troublesome Hindrances, will now come to order." Amid the applause, an elderly man slowly made his way over to the speaker's platform, awkwardly tripped over the microphone cord, sloppily arranged his notes, clumsily knocked over the glass of water, and began to speak. "Fellow members of U.N.C.O.U.T.H., I have been asked to speak on a topic that is very near and dear to the hearts of all of us who are enraptured by awkwardness: the formal parties of college living groups." THE CROWD WAS very respectful of this man, whom they considered a genius. Instead of a sense of humor, he possessed a sense of awkward. Single-handed, this was the man who had excelled in his field by assisting America's stand in Vietnam, was influential in Adam Clayton Powell's relationship to Congress, and arranged for a Secret Service man to accompany President Johnson's daughter when she took her honeymoon. "Awkwardness, I am proud to say, is an integral part of college formals, and we, the members of U.N.C.O.U.T.H., have had no small part in this." "REMEMBER, PLEASE, that those of us who are card-carrying members and openly support clumsiness and bungling activities are strongly assisted by thousands of countless, unknown people who are sympathetic to our cause. "On our college campuses alone, think of all our friends who are busy working for us at enrollment procedure, building construction and design, and campus politics. "BUT LET ME get into what I was going to say about formals. First of all, tuxedo rental is a wonderful beginning of these fine parties. Where else does a man pay to feel uncomfortable? By simply renting a tuxedo, and the subsequent missing parts and wrong sizes, he feels awkward because everyone knows that it is rented and that he is uncomfortable wearing Charley's suspenders and Farquad's cumberbund. "Let us all remember with pride a tradition which is unfortunately about gone, and will soon rank along side of the Dodo bird and passenger pigeon, which is our revered, classic scene of the male escort having to pin on the corsage." HE PAUSED, while the sobering thought took effect on the crowd, and poured himself a glass of water, which calmly overflowed onto the podium, ran down his leg, and collected in his left cuff. "Try and imagine how awkward it is to manipulate a bottle of your favorite beverage, two glasses, within the confines of your rented costume, while trying to dance with a girl whose formal dress is so long you're both stepping on it, to a type of jazz music you've never cared for. "All around you, nervous dinners are being eaten, introductions being messed up, surface conversations going on with nervous jokes being made since you are surrounded by people you either know very well, or not at all. "ALWAYS KEEP IN MIND our goal: to make the word 'formal' an obsolete term. We want our future generations to say 'Hey, Grazelda, you wanna go to my Christmas Awkward with me?" The people say... To the editor: This is part of a letter which I sent to President Johnson at the Mail-In last Saturday. I would like to share it with your readers, in the hope that it will stimulate some reflection on this thorny and pressing issue. Dear President Johnson: I am writing to you because I do not understand why you have taken the position you have with regard to the war in Vietnam. To the best of my knowledge, the position of this country is based, at best, on a tenuous slogan and an oversimplified assumption. FOREMOST, our position has been that we are in Vietnam to give "freedom" to the people and to protect them from the aggressive North. These are admirable words, but they seem to me so far from the realities of the situation. In what sense do we free people by supporting an unpopular government (Almost all of the generals in the ruling junta fought with the French in the Indo-Chinese War), or, by reelentless bombing the hamlets of the North and South with such inhumane weapons as napalm (which sticks to the flesh even better now) and "anti-personnel" bombs, or by relocating large numbers of peasants and burning their villages? Hundreds of women and children are killed and hundreds more wounded each month. If such maiming and killing continues (and according to General Westmoreland and others it will), how many Vietnamese will be left to enjoy "freedom"? As for aggression from the North, it is true that the Vietcong receive a portion of their supplies and combat support from the North, but it is the Vietcong guerilla and his control of the South that prevents our victory. Further, has the bombing of North Vietnam seriously halted the flow of men and supplies—not according to our Secretary of Defense, Mr. McNamara. But perhaps your real belief is that the existence of an anti-Communist government in South Vietnam is vital to the security of our country and Southeast Asia. That is, perhaps you hold to a domino theory of Communist takeover. Yet many experts, from John Kenneth Galbraith to U Thant have criticized this theory as an oversimplification. Nationalism and an intense desire to rule their own countries, take precedent over Communism in these Southeast Asian countries. Further, as the late Bernard Fall notes, "a free world victory" in Vietnam is not going to deter other revolutionary guerilla wars ALONG SIDE THESE unten- able "maintain our course" argu- ments can be put countless arguments for disentangling ourselves as soon as possible. - Two year of military escalation has failed to achieve even U.S. military objectives, Government authority has not been reestablished. Needed land reforms and other economic measures have not been carried out. - At home, many urgent problems are ignored because needed funds are being diverted to the war. An increasing number of political and religious leaders are becoming critical. Because of large draft quotas our young men are unable to freely plan - The war has won us no popular support abroad. Our efforts are not supported by other nations. For example, we do not have the support of such non-Communist Asian countries as India, Japan, Indonesia, and Burma, or of such Seato allies as Pakistan and France. - As we escalate, we draw closer to the possibility of an allout land war in Asia, toward increased Chinese and Russian involvement, and possibly even toward the use of nuclear weapons (I'm a nervous nellie). - America, as a world leader, sets an important example by its conduct. What kind of example does it set by its actions in Vietnam? It is discouraging those who seek peaceful settlement of disputes. It is encouraging the use of mass violence in resolving international conflicts. It is emphasizing unilateral rather than multilateral action. It is undercutting respect for international law. It is setting an example of a great nation using its overwhelming political and military strength against a smaller one. - their futures, 10,000 mothers have lost sons in Vietnam and many more will die. (The best way to help our fighting men is to bring them home.) - Stop the bombing of North Vietnam. (Even if we wiped North Vietnam off the map, the Vietcong would continue their fight.) - IT IS WITH THESE realities in mind that I urge you to carry cut the following steps: - Officially recognize the National Liberation Front for what it is, an indigenous, political and military force, which has a sizable degree of autonomy from the North, and a right to some voice in its country's future. - Invite the NLF, and the North Vietnamese to the conference table and begin the difficult task of coming to an honorable agreement. In our national interest, and for the sake of dead and dying Americans and Vietnamese, let us strive for peace. Mike Warner San Diego Calif., graduate student 2 Daily Kansan editorial page Thursday, April 20, 1967 UDK Book Review—The Arrogance of Power Fulbright's dissent By SCOTT NUNLEY Senator William Fulbright, as seen through his recent book, is a man of apparent paradox. It is difficult to label him definitely "dove," "liberal," or "international." Fulbright idealizes Lincoln, yet considers the Civil War as one of America's three wars "that were at least unnecessary." In 1961 he opposed invasion of Cuba, yet in the 1962 missile crisis "Senator Richard Russell of Georgia and I advocated the invasion of Cuba by American forces." Fulbright strongly supports Americans' right to criticize as "a service" to their country, yet is proud to cite his 1961 attempt to silence American military professionals speaking "under the sponsorship of right-wing organizations." Fulbright opposes U.S. intervention in the Vietnamese civil war, but will not advocate unconditional withdrawal of U.S. troops. "The Arrogance of Power" is a rich book, like Whitman able to contain such paradoxes. Senator Fulbright is a complex thinker who will only be judged on the particular merit of any given issue, without prior bias: "The kind of foreign policy I have been talking about is, in the true sense of the term, a conservative policy." Like General Twining, Fulbright has the urgency of a man driven by fear. Rejecting Twining's fear of a "Communist conspiracy," Fulbright is consumed with the fear of nuclear war: "for the first time in human history, a living generation has the power of veto over the survival of the next." Communism is passing the dangerous stage of extremism. Fulbright believes, "finally brought back to earth by 'practical men of action'" like Stalin. Mao is still an extremist; but history leads us to hope the Chinese revolution, too, will pragmatize. Moreover, there is nothing necessarily evil in Communist ideology alone. America should not hesitate to support communist revolutions where a healthy nationalist spirit is involved. "Vietnamese communism is therefore a potential bulwark—perhaps the only potential bulwark—against Chinese domination of Vietnam." Senator Fulbright's plan for the Vietnam war involves direct negotiations between Saigon and the National Liberation Front with the intention of neutralizing Southeast Asia. "If for any reason an agreement ending the Vietnamese war cannot be reached, the United States should consolidate its forces in highly fortified defensible areas in South Vietnam and keep them there indefinitely." "The Arrogance of Power" is a well-written book, alive with the slow drawl of the Arkansas senator. It covers many areas from Latin America to Asia, drawing less on facts than on Fulbright's personal beliefs and hopes. Throughout the book, a nagging feeling of isolationism persists—the praise of nineteenth century American foreign policy, the blame of total victory in 1945 for "The cold war of the last twenty years," the aversion to a unilateral American Asian policy. Fulbright answers the charge of "neo-isolationism" by arguing that he is seeking to return to a balance from today's "over-involvement of the United States in certain parts of the world." "If America has a service to perform in the world . . . it is in large part the service of her own example." We must abandon the unwanted role of world policeman and concentrate on our domestic failings. When Senator Fulbright compares the 1910 Mexican revolt to that of today's Cuba, when he considers the Vietnamese turmoil similar to America's Civil War, when he finds it "prohable" that in 1966 American bombs killed as many "innocent villagers" as Viet Cong, the reader may wish for fewer opinions and more facts. But by and large "The Arrogance of Power" is an important, well-argued book. One dissenter has dared to state exactly what he does believe. THE UNIVERSITY DAILY kansan Serving KU for 77 of its 101 Years KANSAN TELEPHONE NUMBERS Newsroom—UN 4-3646 — Business Office—UN 4-3198 The Daily Kansan, student newspaper at The University of Kansas, is represented by National Advertising Service, 18 East 50 St., New York, N.Y. 10022. All students are required to pay a monthly postage paid at Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon during the University's except Saturdays and Sundays. University holidays and examination periods, occasions, goods, services and employment advertised in the University Daily Kansan are offered to all students without regard to color, creed or national origin. The opinions expressed in the editorial column are those of the students whose names are signed to them. Guest editorial views are not necessarily the editor's. Any opinions expressed in the Daily Kansan are not necessarily made of The University of Kansas Administration or the State Board of Regents. EXECUTIVE STAFF EXECUTIVE STAFF Managing Editor Joe McCabe Manager Dan Cobin Editorial Manager Dan Austin, Barb Phillips NEWS AND BUSINESS STAFF Assistant Managing Editors Cn y Gay Murr II Steve Russ II Ushea Stuffel Robert Stewart City Editor Will Hardesty Wire Editor Betsy Wright Sports Editor Mike Walker Feature Editor Jacki Campbell II Erica Editor Eric Reeves Asst. City Editor Carol DeBonis Executive Reporters: Eric Morgentmaire Gav Murt II. Slave Russell I. Liam Huckenball Advertising Manager Kon Hickerson Natl Adj. Manager Howard Panktazk Markey Wardman Circulation Manager ... Don Hunter Classify d Manager ... Joe Godrey Manager t Manager ... Dennis Judy Fauer, Jack Harrison FACULTY ADVIERSERS; Business; Prof. Mel Adams; News; Malcolm Applegate; Editorial; Prot. Calder Pickett