UDK-FIRST WITH CAMPUS NEWS
Driving bill introduced
A bill introduced in the Kansas Senate this week would raise the driver's license fee to $5 and require periodic visual and driving tests of licensed drivers.
The driving test will cost $1.50 if the legislature passes the proposal in its present form.
The bill has been recommended by the State Motor Vehicle Department and would give the state an additional $1.5 million annually.
The bill, submitted by the Senate Committee on Highways, would require all drivers under 65 to pay $3 more each two years when Kansas driver's licenses are renewed. The present fee for renewing an operator's license is $2.
In addition, the bill would combine the present operator's and chauffeur's licenses in a single driver's license having three classifications for operating cars, motorcycles, and vehicles for hire.
HOLLYWOOD — (UPI) — Sir John Gielgud makes one of his rare trips to Hollywood to star in "The Assignment" at Warner Bros.
IF THE BILL PASSES, drivers under 65 would take a mandatory driving and eye examination for each second license renewal or every four years. Drivers over 65 would take the test every two years.
8
RARE APPEARANCE
Daily Kansan Wednesday, March 1, 1967
An international milling company representative will be on campus March 3rd to interview graduate students interested in systems, operations research, data processing and financial reporting; and undergraduate students interested in production sales and administrative training programs. Please contact the placement office in Summerfield Hall for a March 3rd appointment.
International Milling Company, Inc. An Equal Opportunity Employer
Exciting New Firebird Now in Lawrence!
Firebird HO. HO stands for High Output. As a split second behind the wheel will attest to. The Firebird HO boasts a 285-hp V-8 with a four-barrel carburetor, dual exhausts and sport striping. Standard stick is a column-mounted three-speed. Naturally, all Firebird options are available.
SCHAAKE PONTIAC-CADILLAC 1040 VERMONT
Even Frederick Engels Said This About The Sadler Report:
"Its report was emphatically partisan, composed by strong enemies of the factory system for party ends. Sadler permitted himself to be betrayed by his noble enthusiasm into the most distorted and erroneous statements."
The Sadler Report, portions of which are required reading in Western Civ., is widely regarded as an accurate source of conditions during the industrial revolution. This led to widespread criticism of early laissez-faire capitalism for its "exploitation" and "dehumanization" of the early industrial worker. The Sadler Report, however, is a fraud.
Michael Sadler, a member of parliament, was the sponsor of a 10 Hours Bill which would have prohibited employment for longer than 10 hours a day for all mill workers. Parliament established a committee to investigate working conditions in the factories. Sadler himself was appointed head of the committee.
It was decided that Sadler would call his witness first, after which the Bill's opponents would be allowed to testify. However, as soon as his case had been presented, Sadler closed the hearings and published the Report. Not surprisingly, his report showed the mill owners guilty of grave abuses against human decency.
The mill owners object to the charges and denied their truthfulness. Parliament then appointed a second committee to investigate the factories personally and take all testimony under oath. (Sadler's committee had remained in London and took no testimony under oath.) When the new committee made its final report, all of Sadler's worst acusations were refuted.
Before this report was published, however, public outcry and the Tory Party, eager to appear the worker's friend and strike against Whig mill owners, had forced parliament to pass a bill based on the Sadler Report prohibiting employment of children under 9 years of age in most mills and limiting children under 13 to nine hours of work per day and no more than 48 hours per week. The myth of factory brutality remained ever since.
MORE SPECIFIC ASPECTS OF THE REPORTS
Many of the persons who Sadler had testify refused to do so when the later committee asked them to testify under oath. Sadler, for example, interviewed only three witnesses from Manchester, the largest manufacturing town in Britain; only one would repeat his evidence before the subsequent commission, and he refused to do so under oath. His "evidence" was found to be false.2
Michael Crabtree, quoted in the Western Civ. text as saying he was paid $ \frac{1}{2} $ pence a day in the factory, corrected it to $ \frac{1}{2} $ pence an hour when examined again by the Factory Commission. (He made many other corrections, too.)
The doctors Sadler interviewed were mostly London physicians for the most part unacquainted with actual factory conditions. The subsequent committees, however, interviewed doctors from the industrial regions themselves, and their reports were far more favorable towards the mill owners. Thus, those doctors best acquainted with actual conditions gave the most favorable reports.
The following table gives the total number of persons interviewed by the various committees: $ ^{3} $
House of Commons Committee Mr. Sadler, Chairman, 1832 No. of Witnesses 60 Masters 1 Various 6 Examined by Medical Comm. Operatives 0 Country Surgeons 6 London Med. Gents 15 Total 88 FACTORY COMMISSION, 1833 1734 889 51 1269 51 0 3994
Much was made by Sadler of the supposed harmful effects of factory labor upon children, but upon investigation such effects were found to be exaggerated. One of the commissioners reported "All the seriously deformed persons who were sent to me, were adults, nor did a single case of a child badly deformed by its work come under my notice." Another commissioner, Sir David Barry, reported concerning deformities he found that "the deformities, upon being investigated, were all found to have occurred previously to mill-service."[39]
Engels even admitted that the Factory Commission report "ecomes somewhat nearer the truth than Sadler's." $ ^{9} $
In the 1830's, the worst conditions were where domestic work prevailed or in the smaller factories and workshops. These were being eliminated through competition with larger and more up to date installations. "The effect of the Act of 1833 was actually to set up a countertendency, for the work was inclined to drift to workshops and the smaller factories which were more easily able to evade its provisions."
EFFECTS OF THE FACTORY ACT OF 1833
The Act prevented children from learning skills they otherwise would have gained. There were few schools, parks, or playgrounds, so the children did not necessarily gain in tiesure or education. Living standards fell with the removal of some of the wage earners in a family, and to fill their places, large numbers of Irish immigrants arrived, aggravating the housing problems and increasing the slums.
"It is not labor legislation and labor union pressure that have shortened hours of work and withdrawn married women and children from the factories; it is capitalism, which has made the wage earner so prosperous that he is able to buy more lience time for himself and his dependents. The nineteenth century's labor legislation by and large achieved nothing more than to provide a legal ratification for changes which the interplay of market factors had brought about previously. As far as the allegedly prolabor laws decreed measures which were not merely the ratification of changes already effected or the anticipation of changes to be expected in the immediate future, they hurt the material interests of the workers."
Clear understanding and rational discussion of issues facing us today are often plagued by myths accepted by our society. One such myth is the alleged rapacity of nearly laissez-faire capitalism. We hope to have shown that the free market in nineteenth century England, rather than providing a new means of oppression and exploitation, gave better working conditions, rising affluence, and broader horizons to a class bursting the restraining bonds of centuries of stifling tradition, oppression, and ignorance.
1. Fredrich Engels, The Conditions of the Working-Classes in England in verd., (London, Swan Sonnenschein & Co., 1892) p. 179
2. W. H. Hutt. "The Factory System of the Early Nineteenth Century." Capitalism and the Historians, F. A. Hayek, ed., (University of Chicago Press, 1954) p. 159
3. R. H. Greg, The Factory Question (London, James Ridgway and Sons,
Paccadilly, 1837) p. 67
4. Ibid., p. 51
1. tibd. p. 51
5. Factory Commission, 2nd Report (Sir David Barry's Report) p. 3
6. Fredrich Engels, op. cit., p. 171
7. W. H. Hutt, op. cit., p. 181
8. Ludwig von Mises, Human Action, (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1963) p. 617
KU Young Americans For Freedom