Backgrounding the News
University Daily Kansan
Friday, May 18, 1962
Page 3
The Current Crisis in Southeast Asia
By Zeke Wigglesworth The lines in Southeast Asia have, for the moment, been drawn.
In the last two weeks, a new emphasis on United States policy in that area has come about. Until only recently, the U.S. effort in Southeast Asia was confined primarily of South Viet Nam and the battle there to stem the Communist Viet Cong drive.
With the collapse of the Royal Laotian Army last week, and with the massing of Communist Pathet Lao guerrillas near the Mekong River separating Laos and Thailand, a new role confronts the United States. That role is the protection of Thailand.
Many Americans probably wonder what it is we are protecting. What is Thailand? Why are United States troops there?
The political history of Thailand in recent years may surprise many people. It is not commonly known or remembered, for example, that Thailand was an Axis member in World War II and that it declared war on Great Britain and the United States.
After the war, the Thai, no dunces at foreign policy matters, made peace with all segments of the world population. To the United States, she gave "most favored nation" rights in regard to trade. To the Soviet Union, she gave the promise that the Thai Communist Party would be legalized. Thailand was the first enemy nation to be admitted to the newly-formed United Nations.
THE THAIS have always had one worry as far as foreign policy was concerned: Red China. With the Red Chinese situated just beyond the corridor state of Lao, Thai statesmen have had to be careful about what they said and did.
To prepare themselves if the United States ever backed down on its commitments in Thailand, and
in the event that the U.S. ever recognized Red China, the Thai government carried out several policies. First, it relaxed the ban on non-strategic goods sent to China, and second, bans were cautiously lifted to permit the exchange of some people to take place.
In political ideology, the Thais lean toward neutralism. They are, however, felt by many to be in the American camp as far as activities in Southeast Asia are concerned. As witness of this, they signed the SEATO pact in 1954. That pact, called the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, was also signed by New Zealand, Great Britain, France, Australia, Pakistan, and the United States.
Under the stipulations of the SEATO agreement, the members of the pact are sworn to defend each other in the event that Communist aggression takes place or looks imminent.
This is why, today, several thousand American troops are in Thailand, and why Great Britain, New Zealand, Australia and Pakistan have pledged troops if they are necessary.
THIS LEAVES the question of Laos dangling in mid-air. Under the stipulation of the SEATO pact, Laos also comes under the mutual defense agreements. The member nations, at the signing of SEATO in Manila, stated that Laos and Cambodia are areas of mutual interest to them all, and that in the case of armed aggression in either state, SEATO forces will intervene.
This, however, has not occurred. The reasons for this are many and are complicated.
There are three million people in Laos — three million people who have only vague, rudimentary knowledge that the country of Laos even exists. They are happy in ignorance, living in a country so backward that only 700 miles of useable, all-weather roads exist on a land mass of 90.000 square miles.
There are two possible reasons why SEATO forces would intervene in Laos. The first has been mentioned above: SEATO commitments. The second revolves around the country's position. Laos has the fortune (or misfortune, as you will) of being a "strategically-located country." It lies as a buffer state between the Communist nations of China and North Viet Nam and the "free" nations of Thailand and South Viet Nam.
Acting as it does as a buffer state, Laos is thus vital to SEATO and U.S. interests in Southeast Asia. We know, for example, that the Viet Cong are being given arms from the north by military routes that go through Laos.
THE REASONS for non-intervention in Laos are equally as many. First of all, the United States would face the possible intervention of Red China in Laos if any operations were begun to reclaim it from the Pathet Lao Communists.
A second consideration would be the "public opinion" of the American public. They do not want to commit American troops into an area where they would be at a disadvantage with Communist guerrillas. The terrain in Laos is some of the worst in the world; it is practically all dense jungle.
American military experts have always been reluctant to send our troops into such a war situation.
Another deterrent as to possible intervention is the nation itself. The collapse of the Lao troops and their subsequent retreat into Thailand showed a certain incompetence or reluctance on their part to fight for their country.
THE LAST factor involved is that of peaceable solution of the problem. The United States and Russia have made tentative gestures to negotiate a peace in Laos, Russian-American cooperation in this area is nothing new. For the past several months, Russia and the United States have been trying to set up a coalition government in Laos, composed of Communist, neutralist and pro-rightist segments of the Laotian political scene. This government, had it succeeded, would have theoretically ended the squabble between the three princes
SOUTHEAST ASIA—Map showing area where U.S. Marines landed to defend Thailand. Arrow indicates where the landing took place. Dots in Thailand indicate approximate location of Marine and Army fighting forces. (UDK MAP)
(all half-brothers to each other) in Laos.
The Pathet Lao got anxious, however, and United States troops now face the Mekong River and wait. This is probably all they will do.
Books in Review
By James E. Titus
The line has been drawn at the Thai border. It is quite plain to everyone—Thais, Laotians, Pathet Lao—that the United States will fight if communist guerrillas cross the border. It is doubtful, however, that we will cross to seek them out.
By James E. Titus Assistant Professor of Political Science
FELIX FRANKFURTER REMINISCES, Talks Recorded with Dr. Harlan B. Phillips, Doubleday Anchor, $1.45.
Originally recorded for the oral history department of Columbia University, these historical flashbacks by one of America's most eminent jurists cover the period from Frankfurter's arrival in the United States as an Austrian immigrant in August, 1894 until his appointment to the United States Supreme Court in 1939. The text is lucid and filled with details of people and events that arise out of Frankfurter's long experience as a public servant (beginning in the Taft administration) and teacher at the Harvard Law School.
From these reminiscences, Henry L. Stimson emerges as the person who most directly influenced Frankfurter in his formative years as a young lawyer. It was Stimson's respect for the law and belief in the need for absolute honesty on the part of public prosecutors that motivated Frankfurter's interest in the Sacco and Vanzetti trial.
The meeting between President Franklin Roosevelt and Mr. Justice Holmes, arranged by Frankfurter on the occasion of the justice's 92nd birthday, is a charming story. The President tells the justice that he is calling in all the gold in the country, but to Holmes' query about a gold medal awarded him by Congress, Roosevelt replied. "Oh. I've made a special exception for that."
Frankfurter disclaims that this is autobiography, but those interested in his career, his feeling for the law and sense of justice will find this volume interesting reading.
Among new paperbacks:
By Calder M. Pickett Professor of Journalism
***
YOUR FUTURE IN JOURNALISM, by Arville Schaleben (Popular Library, 50 cents)—an evaluation by the managing editor of the Milwaukee Journal. Schaleben discusses the life of the journalist, the demands of the field, the question of background, the desirability of journalism schools, how to apply for a job, specialties, money and incidental rewards, and accredited journalism schools.
- * *
WITH LAWRENCE IN ARABIA, by Lowell Thomas (Popular Library, 50 cents)—the famous book, first published in 1924, about the dynamic and dramatic T. E. Lawrence, virtually uncrowned leader of the Moslems. Thomas is best known as author and world-traveler, besides his fame in radio.
1001 NEW JOB OPPORTUNITIES, by John Devaney (Popular Library, 50 cents)—a guide for the student on where, when and how to get jobs. The scope of Devaney's subject is broad; the volume itself is essentially a listing of opportunities in varied fields.
CAPSULE CALCULUS, by Ira Ritow (Doubleday Dolphin, $1.45) a short introductory course in basic principles of calculus from the engineering viewpoint. The book is designed as either a re fresher course or an introductory course.
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