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Summer Session Kansan
Tuesday, July 28.1964
Young and Excited
They've all gone home now, so they won't be likely to read this piece, which is about the noisy and enthusiastic young people who have been on the campus for six weeks.
We had them in Flint Hall for only the second year, our journalism division being comparatively new in the Midwestern Music and Art Camp (whose name had better be changed one of these years). The chief association the staff of the Summer Session Kansan has had with them ("them," in case there's an unclear antecedent showing up about now, meaning these young "campers") has been in relation to publication of our paper, which comes out, as you may have noticed, twice each week.
NOW IT WOULD BE absolutely false to say that we've had 100 per cent enthusiasm or cooperation. With due apologies to perhaps several people, we believe a few of the kids come here for a pleasant, relatively cool place away from constraints from Mom and Dad. A good place to loaf, maybe to have dates, certainly—in the case of some we could name—not to work or to learn much.
But we have had something that has brought some pleasant compliments, and journalists, by and large, don't get many compliments. We've had a few of these high school people ranging over the campus, writing features, brightening up afternoons for scholarly types who might not be contacted all year long by the more sophisticated members of the regular Daily Kansan staff, looking with big eyes at the various museums and exhibits on the campus and then writing about them, goofing up a few facts pretty badly and forgetting at times that the KU faculty is a bit bigger than the one back in the high school.
WEVE HAD STORIES about research and about women who work in Strong Hall and in dormitories. We've had bright little articles about those camp members who had farther to come than Leavenworth or Winfield.
We've had reviews of music and drama that one blase KU student referred to as "a bit purple." Well, maybe they have been purple, but they also haven't been so blasted omniscient and critical (who can be more critical than a 20-year-old who has seen his first Shakespearean play?)
This faculty member had a few times when his encounters with journalism campers reached the hair-tearing stage, but such times were few. There were some delightful conversations with students entranced by what was going on at the San Francisco convention. There was a surprising request for extra help, a request that turned into a long lecture for two young ladies with many many questions.
SOMETHING HAPPENS to the university student after he's been for a few days. His sentiment disappears (or at least his willingness to exhibit it). Like the hero of "The Catcher in the Rye," he looks at everything as "phony." He wouldn't think of cheering at a football game, and for that matter he might be ashamed of even wanting to see a football game.
High school students aren't like that. Life hasn't become entirely a matter of causes. There are still things to get excited about—dates, dances, games. Our journalism campers seem to think journalism is a romantic profession. Let's hope they keep thinking that, because they'll be agreeing with one teacher of journalism who almost gets stars in his eyes himself in a hot Kansas summer spent with young journalists, who give us hope for tomorrow.—CMP
It's Still Egypt U.A.R. Failing To Be Popular
CAIRO—(UPI) Six years ago one of the world's most ancient lands took on a new name.
After thousands of years, "Egypt" was to give way to "United Arab Republic."
But it hasn't worked out that way.
Of all the revolutionary changes President Gamal Adbel Nasser has made since coming to power, this has been one of the least successful.
EGYPTIANS CHEERED the proclamation of the new republic but went on calling their country Egypt.
Official government publicity beckons tourists to "see Egypt."
Even Nasser frequently says "Egypt" in his speeches. The term United Arab Republic is largely confined to official documents, postage stamps, maps and some bank notes. Because of the continued popularity of the word Egypt, it is now generally accepted that one name is as correct as the other.
The United Arab Republic designation was adopted when Egypt merged with Syria in 1958 to form one nation. In 1961 Syria pulled out of the union but Egypt decided to officially keep the name of United Arab Republic. Now Egypt is taking steps toward a union with Iraq and if that comes about the new nation undoubtedly will also be known as the United Arab Republic.
BUT EGYPTIANS aren't likely to change their ways of speech.
Egypt represents a long tradition and evokes a glorious past. United Arab Republic represents the dream of a single Arab nation stretching from North Africa to Asia.
Egypt connotes stability and continuity. United Arab Republic is an amorphous thing—part Syria yesterday, solely Egypt today, part Iraq tomorrow.
Another problem is that no one has even coined an adjective to correspond with United Arab Republic. It's much easier to say "Egyptian" than "Citizen of the United Arab Republic."
U. A.R. is a handy abbreviation in English. But an abbreviation is not used in Arabic and the full Arabic name is "Al-Gomhouria Al-Arabiya Al-Muttahida" which partly accounts for the fact Egyptians don't like it.
U.S. Labor, Government Training Leaders To Fight Reds in Latin American Unions
WASHINGTON - (UPI) A training program operated by American labor, management and the federal government is helping counter communist influence in Latin American trade unions.
The American Institute for Free Labor Development (AIFLD), now two years old, has trained thousands of potential leaders in the concepts of the democratic labor movement.
"Fighting communism is not the sole purpose of AIFLD," Serafino
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Romuald said in the AFL-CIO Federationist. But "its graduates have found . . . that they had to fight it if they were going to continue to work for the development of the free labor movement."
Romualdi said graduates have been just as successful in Venezuela, Honduras, Brazil, Bolivia and Chile where "the challenges were met head on; the graduates not only held their own but eliminated totalitarian elements from a number of important unions."
ONE GRADUATE in British Guiana used parliamentary techniques taught by the AIFLD to dislodge an agent of Marxist Premier Cheddi Jagan from the presidency of the Commercial and Clerical Workers Union.
The institute, organized by the AFL-CIO, American industry and the Latin American Alliance for Progress, is promoting a new concept of labor's role in national affairs.
THE OLD CONCEPT of confining organizer's role to . . . wages, working conditions, and, above all fighting against the employer," Romualdi said, "is being supplanted by the new concept of labor as a full fledged partner in a national society."
“There was a time.” he said, “when a Latin American leader’s primary qualification was his ability to sway listeners to his point of view through oratory.” He said that this is no longer true; that the new type of labor leader “cannot be improvised.” Romualda added:
The field programs are tailored to the country in which they operate. In some there are full-time resident schools offering eight to 10-week courses similar to the program in Washington. In others, short-term seminars are held in various industrial complexes. Eventually the institute hopes to have both programs in each country supplemented by the Washington operation.
"Today's labor leader must have deep within himself a burning desire to serve his fellow workers and . . . his own country. But he must also acquire a great deal of technical knowledge and this requires specialized education and intensive study."
THE INSTITUTE operates a school in Washington, field programs throughout Latin America, and a still-experimental European travel course.
Students in the European course are given a first-hand look at trade union operations in other countries. After a three-week orientation period at the Washington school, they spend eight weeks investigating the workings of the Israeli Histadrut (General Confederation of Labor), the Italian Confederation of Labor Unions and the International Labor Ogranization in Geneva.
IN WEST GERMANY, they are taken to West Berlin and — when possible — to East Berlin, where they can see the dramatic contrast "between the worlds of democracy and totalitarianism."
BOOK REVIEWS
THE HORIZON BOOK OF LOST WORLDs, by Leonard Cottrell (Dell Laurel, 75 cents).
Though it lacks the illustrations that would make it of even more interest, this paperback reprint of a Horizon book still has real fascination. The author has endeavored to recreate for us the famous vanished civilizations, a topic that continues to enchant many readers.
Some of these were obviously great civilizations, which disappeared for reasons we do not understand today. Archaeologists have worked to restore some of these; some remain merely a step beyond myth and legend.
Cottrell deals with the following: the Egyptians, the Mesopotamians, the people of the Indus Valley, the Minoans of Crete, the Mycenaeans, the peoples of Anatolia, the Etruscans, the Khmers and the Maya of this hemisphere. The style, like that of most articles which have appeared in Horizon, as well as the Horizon books, is consistently interesting.
THE AMERICAN HERITAGE BOOK OF INDIANS, by William Brandon (Dell Laurel, 75 cents).
This is another book that will find many absorbed readers, despite the unfortunate lack of illustrations. The volume was published by American Heritage, and an introduction was written by the late President John F. Kennedy.
It is no sketchy book that will appeal chiefly to the lazy. William Brandon attempts to show interrelationships of various red men as well as red men and white men. He also shows the significance of the Indian in the history and culture of America, a significance too obvious to belabor, perhaps.
His story goes back to the likely beginnings of the Indian civilizations in the Americas and continues to the tragic period of late 19th century, when the Indian was going the way of the buffalo and passenger pigeon. Almost all readers will find this a tale easy to follow and ever-stirring.
HORIZON, by Helen MacInnes (Dell. 50 cents).
In the field of suspense fiction, Helen Machnnes rates high, alongside Eric Ambler and maybe even Graham Greene. During World War II her cloak-and-dagger tales were exciting and even meaningful. Since the war she has continued to pump out stories that make for good reading.
This is one of her earlier books, written in 1945 and dealing, predictably, with the Nazis. This will date it for some readers, but it will also help to recall how such stories both revolted and thrilled us 20 years ago.
THE COLLECTOR, by John Fowles (Dell. 75 cents).
The hero of this successful novel first published last year is a collector of butterflies; but that ends any possible analogy to "The Girl of the Limberlost." For the story is shocking and sinister and not for the weak in heart.
It has received praise not only for its sensational qualities but for its suspense, original theme and conception, and maturity of style. The reader will think he has come across a nut as unique as anybody in recent fiction, and he'll be quite right.
THE TRUMPET UNBLOWN, by William Huckleman (Crest. 60 cents.)
William Horman (Crescent, O'Brien).
This war novel, though the cover bleats its resemblance to Hemingway, is more sensational than profound. It's about an American medical outfit and its experiences in Europe in World War II, experiences resembling some of those James Jones told of in "From Here to Eternity."
The hero himself is a young gentleman compared with the supporting cast—a raging bully, a thief and pimp who practically takes over a German town, a nurse with the morals of a cat, a German lady of no principles.
All in all—rough, sordid and likely to sell this summer and fall.
THE LIFE OF LENIN, by Louis Fischer (Harper & Row, $10).
Vladimir Lenin was the founder of the Soviet state and the father of Soviet politics, as Louis Fischer says in the first sentence of his biography of nearly 700 pages. In the succeeding sentences, with impressive documentation from official sources, memoirs, interviews, and his own experience as a Moscow correspondent in the early years of the Soviet regime, Fischer tells us Lenin's role in building state and party and how it might have been different in another man's hands.
The life of any politician cannot be separated from the events that he helped shape and that shaped him; thus a large part of the book is pure history, with Lenin often appearing only on the periphery, as in the Brest-Litovsk peace negotiations between Trotsky and the Germans. And although this is the life of Lenin, the lives of the other Soviet leaders—Stalin and Trotsky in particular—get rather full treatment.
A criticism of this complete and scholarly work might be that it is somewhat too complete. Having gathered his facts, Fischer seems reluctant to let any of them go. This spatters the book with references and events that have no real bearing on the main narrative and unnecessarily lengthens an already formidable study.—UPI
"I'm Getting Hungry"