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University Daily Kansan Thursday, March 26, 1964
ASC, Regents, Senate, Chancellor
Power Structure
Power.
Who has it, how is it divided, restricted, and used in the government and administration of the University of Kansas?
In view of the coming All-Student Council election and a general haziness surrounding KU government, this article will attempt to define and classify the university power structure, especially concerning the Governor, state legislature, Board of Regents, the Chancellor, University Senate, and ASC.
THE UNIVERSITY WAS CREATED by the Kansas legislature almost one hundred years ago. Administration is in the hands of the State Board of Regents. The nine-man board is appointed by the Governor for four-year overlapping terms. The appointments are approved by the Kansas Senate.
To the Board of Regents is given the power to "prescribe bylaws . . . to regulate the course of instruction, and . . . prescribe the books, authorities, and apparatus to be used. . .." The Board hires and pays the Chancellor, and has authority over the conferring of degrees, admissions, tuitions and fees, the sale of university land, and the state geological and biological surveys. Annual appointments must be approved by the board of regents.
The Chancellor hires all employees and is the chief executive officer of the university. He is also chairman of the University Senate.
THE PRESENT CODE of the University Senate was approved in 1932 by the Board of Regents. Members include associate and full professors, plus the executive secretary, the deans, the registrar, the directors of division, chairmen of departments, and the business manager.
Powers of the University Senate are divided into limited, advisory, and full. Under functions subject to veto by the Chancellor or the Board of Regents are such powers as setting the university calendar, accrediting other institutions of learning, questions of scholarship, attendance, advanced standing, eligibility, honors, convocations, some publications, and student loans.
The University Senate may advise the Chancellor, the Board of Regents, or the faculties on the following questions: the abolition or establishment of schools, divisions, and departments; student health and living conditions, student relations, publications, and organizations.
FULL POWERS OF THE SENATE include appointment of its own advisory and special committees, delegations of its functions, and formulation of regulations of the conduct of committees and officers.
Committees of the Senate number close to 25, covering everything from orientation week to commencement.
One section of the Senate code provides: "Meetings of the Senate are not open to reporters of the Daily Kansan or of any other news organ. Proper publicity will be given to Senate proceedings by the presence at Senate meetings of the University Director of Publicity."
IN 1925 THE SENATE gave the Student Council full responsibility for extra-curricular activities. All ASC legislation as of 1943, must be approved by the Chancellor.
ASC, according to its constitution, has all powers necessary to carry out its purpose: (a) To unite in a single, self-governing body the students of the University of Kansas and to promote and regulate their extra-curricular activities. (b) To coordinate student activities with the programs of the faculty and administrative governing bodies. (c) By so doing, to promote the highest interests of the University of Kansas and to cultivate loyalty to the University among its students.
EXECUTIVE POWERS are delegated to the student body president and vice-president, while the All Student Council is the legislative branch. The judiciary powers are vested in the student court and the disciplinary committee.
In brief, this is the power hierarchy of KU administration: the state legislature and Governor appoint the Board of Regents and appropriate funds for KU; the Board of Regents hires the Chancellor and regulates "the course of instruction:" the Chancellor is the chief executive officer of the university and chairman of the University Senate, which deals mainly with academic questions; while the ASC is mostly limited to extra-curricular activities.
Margaret Hughes
Military Parallel
War on Poverty
If "war on poverty" seems too easy a phrase, too dramatic an oversimplification, it has one large virtue. The parallel between military action and President Johnson's proposals is an apt one in several ways. There will be small battles fought on a great variety of fronts, and some of them will be frustrating failures. It will be a simple matter of bookkeeping to count the immediate costs but far more difficult to estimate the long-term gain. And while most will agree that the "war" must be waged, critics of particular tactics in one sector, of slow progress in another, will be many.
TO CARRY THE PARALLEL FURTHER, the President's message makes it clear that he offers no single new weapon guaranteed to bring victory. Some of the proposals, such as that for enlisting up to 100,000 youths in a "job corps," would concentrate on familiar stand-bys — vocational training and basic education mixed with the therapy of useful work. In part this program has its inspiration in the Civilian Conservation Corps of the Thirties, which did enjoy its solid successes. Another familiar note is struck with the proposal for a domestic Peace Corps that would use highly motivated social and vocational workers in such difficult pockets of poverty as city slums, Indian reservations and migratory camps.
One of the most important features of Mr. Johnson's program is his emphasis on local action. The Federal Government is indeed limited in the amount it can do directly for individuals. To the extent that communities can mobilize their own educational, health and social services and focus them on the problems they know most intimately, Federal assistance will be available. Here there is a desirable degree of flexibility which holds a good deal of promise. Once again the emphasis is on the tools already at hand; the job is to make more and better use of them.
WHATEVER THE FATE in Congress of particular features of the plan, the President has given heartening emphasis to the great need for renewed efforts. Industrial technology, farming, even the services are moving ahead at an accelerating rate, demanding higher and higher skills of those who would work for their living. Left behind in increasing numbers are the unskilled. These are our poor. To the extent that they can be reached by renewed endeavors of the Federal Government, the community and private employers, the effort must be made. The only alternative is the paradox of an affluent society pock-marked with poverty in which the uneducated, the unmotivated and the unequipped breed yet more of their kind in a frustratingly vicious circle.
— The Baltimore Evening Sun
$\textcircled{1964}$ HERBLOCK THE WASHINGTON POST
"I Had No Idea There Were So Many Banana Peels Around This Canal"
Kashmir Conflict Causes Violations
The recent incident of Hindu-Moslem rioting, raping and looting in East India, in which more than 150 people were killed, was a repetition of the situation that occurred last month in East Pakistan. The communal riots in both these countries are a result of the existing tensions between the two nations over the issue of Kashmir.
Since the partition of India and Pakistan in 1947, both the nations have been aggressive toward each other for their traditional dispute. The United Nations, which established the cease fire line in 1949, has attempted several times to resolve the conflict, but it was unsuccessful.
THE THREAT OF Communist China has increased in Southeast Asia as Pakistan has sought the Red Chinese help in order to defeat India in the fight. Pakistan is afraid that India might use U.S. and Great Britain military aid against Pakistan—the aid, which India claims, is for the protection from Communist China aggression on her borders.
Red China, which also has border dispute with India, looked at Pakistan's request for aid as an opportunity to gain a part of the Ladakh frontier district of Kashmir. So it abolished its neutrality in the Kashmir conflict last month and decided to help Pakistan.
Pakistan. SEVERAL SUGGESTIONS have been made to solve the problem. A British representative expressed his feelings in the Security Council of the United Nations, and said a solution to the Kashmir dispute could be found in dividing it between Hindus and Moslems.
But the British attitude created a furor in the Indian Parliament, which does not want Hindu-Moslem division in Kashmir.
Commenting on the British feeling, Lal Bahadur Shastri, expected Prime Minister of India, said he was told the "Moslem community in India was not prepared to accept that the integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India was not complete and that there was something still left to be done to integrate it."
ANOTHER SUGGESTION was made that the people of Kashmir decide their own destiny. But as the fact exists, 77 per cent, which is Moslem, of 4.4 million population of Kashmir may decide to unite with "the Moslems of Pakistan rather than the Hindus of India." Prime Minister Nehru did not approve the suggestion on the basis that India has natural right over the most beautiful state of Kashmir.
There was no complete opposition to the suggestions from the Pakistani side. The reason for the Pakistani attitude toward the suggestions, many political critics believe, is due to the fact that Pakistan does not have really any case and that it will not lose anything if the decision is made in favor of India.
THE PROBLEM is so serious and both the parties are so stubborn that it appears the conflict will not be solved in the very near future.
As long as the conflict exists, there will be communal riots in both the nations. And if the governments of Pakistan and India fail to ensure that communal harmony prevail, religion minority groups in both the countries will not be able to live in amity.- Vinay Kothari
DailijTiansan
111 Flint Hall
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