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University Daily Kansan
Friday, March 6, 1964
Other Campuses:
Greek Living
College fraternities and sororites have been a focal point of increasing attention at our school and in our nation.
First, there is no doubt that the University or any other educational institution, which permits fraternities or sororities to exist, has also the power to extinguish their lives. At the University, the process would be perfectly simple and logical.
Since all fraternities and sororities are University-approved living residences, a withdrawal of approval would mean instant death. I point this out because many students, both fraternity and nonfraternity, think that this is the main issue around which discussion should revolve. There is, in fact, no substantial argument here.
The real crux of the situation involves the answer to this question: "Having the power to do so, should any educational institution force fraternities and sororites to integrate against their will?"
It is of primary importance to visualize what kind of organizations we are dealing with here. Fraternities stem from an instinct basic to human nature—that instinct which causes us to seek companionship among those with whom we share common interests on a broad scale.
Basic Freedom
If fraternities and sororities, or co-ops and clubs for that matter, were abolished tomorrow they would soon spring up again, perhaps only with different names, because this basic instinct is impossible to destroy. This freedom to peaceably assemble with those of our own choice when not infringing on others' rights has been essential to our claim of being a truly freedom-loving country.
Freedom Defined
In striving for the most objective appraisal, I believe we all would agree that it basically means as much freedom for all parties concerned which can be achieved at a particular time. This is a compromise definition, for without it, each interest group would naturally seek the maximum freedom for its group alone.
Fraternities admittedly set their own requirements for membership. They do this so that their members will remain unified and also so that no one will be admitted who would not be fully accepted. Fraternity membership requirements may change with the times, or they may not. If they do not voluntarily change, certain schools and students have advocated that they be forced to do so or suffer their death blow.
But is this seemingly simple solution accomplishing our goal of maximum freedom for all? By forcing these groups to accept an externally imposed standard, the word freedom would become a hollow, lifeless shell submerged in the fathomless depths of the New American Revolution.
—Daily Texan
When the day of this imposed standard arrives many will no doubt rejoice, but some will look silently to the banner of the revolution and to the one word emblazoned on its tattered remnants which has won the hearts, minds, and tears of so many. Only then will the terrible and excruciating irony of it all be realized—for that word is none other than freedom itself.
@1964 HERBLOCK THE WASHINGTON PAST
Half Slave And Half Free
Dailij' Hänsan
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Rockefeller: Long Road Back From Divorce-
By Roy Miller (First of three-part series)
Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller's glimmer had all but burned out in the crystal ball of presidential politics two years ago this March.
Rockefeller, then the front-running candidate for the 1964 Republican presidential nomination, had divorced his wife of 31 years, the mother of five children. Most observers believed the New York governor's chances at the nomination were seriously—if not fatally—injured.
POLITICAL FORTUNE tellers saw another cloud in May of 1963 when Rockefeller remarried a divorcee and mother of four small children.
Sure, it was a personal matter, as Rockefeller emphasized. But would the rank-and-file of the Republican party or even the American electorate cross off two broken homes as a "personal matter?"
The question persists with the party conventions and national election only months away. But Nelson A. Rockefeller has made a tremendous rebound from the dark weekend in 1962 when he divorced his wife and less than 48 hours later learned of a son lost at sea.
WARREN WEAVER,political reporter for the New York Times, reflected recently on Rockefeller's divorce blemish, writing, "The political world immediately wondered how he could hope to survive as a political candidate."
"There is hardly a visible standard of power analysis or market research which does not define him as a bird that has but one wing. Yet he dismisses every scientific principle and proposes to try and fly on nothing else except his faith in himself and in his star. He is one Rockefeller who belongs not to the social science but to the novel and the poem."
And Murray Kempton wrote this year in New Republic:
POLLS INDICATE Rockefeller is gaining on Barry Goldwater, the senator from Arizona who replaced Rockefeller as the front runner. Just how much a gain the New York governor has made may be revealed March 10 when voters go to the polls in the New Hampshire primary.
Fifty-five-year-old Nelson Rockefeller comes from the richest family in America, a family that had made anything and everything in America—except politics—its business.
John D. Rockefeller, the baron of the Standard Oil trust, originated the family's wealth and its philanthropic foundation. The family had not spread its wealth into politics, however, until Nelson Rockefeller took an appointive position in the New Deal era.
ROCKEFELLER DIRECTED American affairs in Latin America during the Roosevelt war years. He became an assistant secretary of state and later headed President
A Phi Beta Kappa at Dartmouth, Rockefeller served as a special assistant to Eisenhower. He left an Eisenhower position as under secretary of the Department of Health, Education and Welfare to enter electoral politics.
He had his eye on the statehouse in Albany, N.Y., and maybe, at the same time, on a structure on Pennsylvania Avenue in Washington.
Truman's International Development Advisory Board.
THE 1958 CONTEST for governor of New York was what Life magazine called "a voters' choice of millionaires . . . (the) greatest pitting of fortune against fortune in the history of the republic."
Known for his personal dislike of Nixon, Rockefeller continued to sound like a candidate. Before the national convention he issued a 2,700-word statement blasting
feller felt the party would accept Richard M. Nixon and only Richard M. Nixon in 1960.
Rockefeller defeated Averell Harriman, heir to Union Pacific fortunes. Almost simultaneously, the newly elected governor made steps that would take him to the verge of a presidential nomination in 1960.
Rockefeller was one of the first to declare himself a candidate for
the 1960 Republican nomination. He also was one of the first to withdraw.
(Continued on page 3)
AFTER POURING THOUSANDS of dollars into a staff, headquarters, polls and trips across the nation in an effort to determine Republicans' sentiment, the New York governor announced at the end of 1959 that he would not be a candidate for president in 1960. Rocke-
Goldwater And His Followers
By Rick Mabbutt
By Rick Mabbitt
(Last of a three-part series.)
The key element in Barry Goldwater's support is his position as chairman of the Senate Republican Campaign Committee. He held the job in 1955 and again in 1959. His responsibility is to insure the election of Republicans over Democrats to seats in the Senate. His allotting funds to conservative and liberal senators equally has received praise by his colleagues in the Senate. He also gives Senate hopefuls aid in organizational and campaign strategy.
Few positions provide more exposure of a presidential hopeful to politicians throughout the country. He is constantly conferring with governors, state chairmen and other leaders in the party who wield the influential power when convention time comes.
IN ADDITION to the strength of this position Goldwater has the backing of a number of politically minded groups.
The most vocal is the John Birch Society. Barry Goldwater has praised the Birchers as "the kind we need in politics."
we need in politics.
The head of the society, Robert Welch, writing in the Blue Book,
says: "I personally have been for Goldwater for President, for any great office."
Goldwater has suggested that Welch resign and then denied that he had done such a thing. Last fall he told U.S. News and World Report that Mr. Welch was not a supporter of his.
The New York Times says about the Goldwater movement: "It is more nearly a radical revolt, a gathering of the forces of the discontented and embittered. His supporters to start with include what Richard Nixon called "the nuts and kooks," and Rockefeller label the "lunatic fringe."
"The distinguishing characteristic of them all is their belief in the conspiratorial theory of the Communist menace. Capitalizing upon the sincerity, the zeal and the funds of the far right are at least three managerial strata. The grimiest is composed of professional exploiters—preachers staging anti-Communist crusades, false professors conducting mammoth anti-Communist 'schools', and the fake lecturers arousing eager audiences with shocking reports of treachery in high places.
"NOT FAR AWAY are the well-heeled financiers of the far right, those millionaires who—out of belief in the plot, or more personal distaste for 20th century limitations on economic gluttony—put up the wads of cash for publications, propaganda, ideological foundations and spurious "studies."
"The third group seeking to make use of all of these are a number of state and local politicians well aware of the manpower, energy, and finances of the far right. The one thing they care about is that the Birchers and their comrades, once enlisted in a cause, or for a candidate, are among the most devoted and hardest-working political foot soldiers today. But only in sound and fury are they its major element.
"FAR MORE MEANINGFUL politically is an entirely different class of the discontented and frustrated.
"These men and women are mostly young, mostly educated, mostly outspoken, without personal memories of the Great Depression—the traumatic experience of their fathers. They chafe under high taxes, and big government, a cold war to which they see no end and no alternative, restraints on business initiative, costly public-welfare programs, union dominance and the power of the "hyphenated-American" minority groups in the big urban centers.
Goldwater also draws the older traditional conservatives who followed Robert Taft and who accepted Eisenhower only grudgingly—that "unswerving Old Guard who have lost out to the predominantly Eastern, internationalist urban types called, derisively, the me-too Republicans."
GOLDWATER ALSO appeals strongly to the dominant strain of American isolationism that carries the notion of the natural and unquestionable superiority of all things American.
In addition there are two breeds of supporters on the Goldwater bandwagon who don't necessarily accept either his ideas or some of his support groups. These include Republicans who above all want to win and see Goldwater as having the best chance and southerners, both the segregationists and the growing new class of economic managers and professional men of the new rising industrial South.
"For what has made Barry Goldwater a significant leader instead of a dismal fringe leader is his distinctive personal charm, his constant example of candor and conviction, and his artful play upon the heart strings of American romanticism.
(Continued on page 3)