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University Daily Kansan
Thursday, March 5, 1964
Birth Control
Never before has the pressure of population risen, all over the world, so rapidly and steadily as it is rising today. A radio announcer said in a broadcast recently that the population is increasing at the rate of 100 million a year and is expected to reach 6 billion by the end of the century. This rate of growth includes 7,400 persons a day in the United States.
Overpopulation is the most serious of the world problems, and it needs serious attention and consideration. And now.
MAN'S FUTURE is most threatened by the pressure of growing population, not by the arms race and the political struggles—which get most of the attention.
The United Nations' Food and Agriculture Organization reports that between one-third and one-half of the world's close to three billion people go to bed hungry. It has been predicted by the organization that in the next decade the equation between ill-fed mouths and available food could grow even more lopsided.
We have arrived at a point where the population is growing much faster than food production, especially in Asian countries like China and India.
The problem has become more acute as inventions in medicines and better sanitation cause a sharp cut in the death rate, especially deaths among young children, while the birth rate keeps right on growing. Until the 1830's, the population figure was increasing very slowly. The population at that time was only 1 billion. But the figure rose to 2 billion in just 100 years and jumped to near three billion in the next 30 years. If the rate of growth continues, demographers predict, the number seems certain to reach 6 billion by the year 2000.
THIS RAPID GROWTH is not desirable.
Today we don't have enough food and space for
the increasing number. According to FAO reports, there are now 12.5 acres of land for each man, woman, and child on earth, but because of climate and terrain only 3.7 acres per capita are cultivable. By the end of the century, with the population doubled, the cultivable area will decrease to 1.8 acres per person. (It has been estimated that more than 2.5 acres are necessary for the individual's need of food and space.) And even with this increasing shortage of land, we are adding several million hungry mouths every year.
POINTING OUT the danger of the problem, Eugene Black, former president of the World Bank, said in his annual report to the United Nations: "Unless population growth can be restrained, we may have to abandon for this generation our hopes of economic progress in the crowded lands of Asia and the Middle East."
Several solutions, such as improved technology and new sources of algae and other food minerals, have been suggested by many specialists on the subject. But in addition to these suggestions, effective birth control is necessary all over the world. There is a need for research in effective, cheap, and acceptable methods of birth control. More birth control clinics are necessary, and they must be authorized to provide birth control information, treatment, and material upon request. Public welfare funds should be used in providing contraceptive devices and information on how to use them.
The problem has to be overcome to banish hunger in the world and to bring the world peace. If it is unsolved, the supply of water and minerals will be exhausted—there will be wars in search of food and the human race will come to a disastrous end.
-Vinay Kothari
HERBLOCK
THE WASHINGTON POST
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Goldwater: The One True Conservative?--
Barry Goldwater is the symbol of conservatism in America. But he wasn't always the conservative that he is now. In fact, when he first entered the Senate in 1933 he refused to ally himself with the conservative faction on a key issue—the Senate filibuster which he wanted to outlaw.
Some political observers feel that the term "conservative" used to describe Barry Goldwater is a misnomer. They hold that he wants to abolish most of the legislation enacted by Congress in the last 20 years and return to a pre-war New Deal era rather than conserve present legislation.
The following is a listing of Goldwater's stands on various issues during his years as a senator. Where possible his voting record on these issues also is included.
FOREIGN POLICY: Goldwater maintains the U.S. should withdraw diplomatic recognition from all Communist governments, including that of the Soviet Union. He says, "We should make it clear in the most explicit terms that Communist governments are not tolerated in this Hemisphere and that the Castro regime, being such a government, will be eliminated. . . . I think we can operate an effective economic blockade of Cuba and I think we can do it at no risk of war."
In 1961, at the height of the Katanga crisis, Goldwater said, "The United States no longer has a place in the United Nations." Now he says, "The U.N. is a wonderful concept, but the world isn't ready for it . . . I would probably vote to get out, but I'm not clamoring to get out."
In 1960 he said about alliances that they "ultimately doom (us) to failure" but in 1962 he reversed this to "alliances form a great dam against the running tide." He advocates taking "the offensive in dealing with the world-wide Communist threat," and concerning the use of nuclear weapons, he asserts, "if possible, overt hostilities should always be avoided."
IN FOREIGN AID Goldwater favors loans or technical assistance—no gifts—to be given to friendly anti-Communist nations. He is against financial help to uncom-
mitted neutrals and he wishes to cut the overall foreign aid budget. At the same time he has voted for greater military and technical assistance to the U.S.'s best friends abroad.
He has voted consistently against funds for cultural exchange programs and he voted against President Kennedy's Peace Plan.
Federal Spending: Goldwater has urged that the government reduce its spending by 10 per cent each year, withdrawing from virtually all welfare fields. He views social security as an interference in the private lives of U.S. citizens; but rather than repeal the program, he wants it made voluntary instead of compulsory.
Four times (in 1958, '59, '60, '61) he voted against depressed-area bills and has strongly opposed medical care for the aged.
PUBLIC POWER: Goldwater voted to free gas producers from federal regulation, and voted against federal power projects, but he supported the $1 billion federally sponsored Upper Colorado River Storage Project, which will benefit Arizona.
Agriculture: "It's a question of repealing and going back to the law of supply and demand." Sen. Goldwater has said. He also called for an immediate end to price support programs, but recently he has favored cotton supports and legislation which would favor the mineral and oil interests in the nation (Arizona wealth consists, in part, of cotton and copper as well as lesser metals.)
He solved one such inconsistency with a single telephone call. He was asked why he voted for the $6 billion agricultural appropriation bill in late September after he had called for "a prompt and final termination of the farm-subsidy program." Goldwater denied that he had done so. When he was shown that he had, he called the clerk of the Senate and had his vote changed to no.
LABOR: He insists that he favors stronger unions—but free ones. He has backed right-to-work legislation but denies now that he ever did so. He has proposed revisions of the Taft-Hartley Act toughening restrictions on secondary boycotts and limitations on organizational picketing. He also has suggested federal prohibition of unions spending money for political purposes.
Constitutional Amendments: In 1960 he voted against an amendment sponsored by Sen. Holland for a Constitutional amendment to ban the poll tax and he also oppose a Constitutional amendment to permit the residents of the District of Columbia to vote in Presidential elections.
EDUCATION: "It is evident that increased school expenditures have more than kept pace with increased school needs," he has said, and "If we get back to readin', writin', and 'rithmetic, and an occasional little whack where it will help, then I think our education system will take care of itself."
He has voted against any sort of federal aid to education but he still believes that the federal government should establish "guidelines" in terms of curriculum requirements and standards at colleges and universities.
Taxes: In 1960 and earlier
Goldwater had hoped to eliminate the graduated income tax if the federal budget were cut sufficiently. Now he says, "We can't repeal the (graduated) income tax totally. It is an evil, (but) what I would propose is complete study of the whole tax problem."
THIS IS IN contrast to his earlier stand that "the government has a right to an equal percentage of each man's wealth and no more." He has supported tax increased exemptions for industries.
Supreme Court and Integration: "Despite the recent holding of the Supreme Court, I am firmly convinced not only that integrated schools are not required but that the Constitution does not permit any interference whatsoever by the Federal Government in the field of education. It may be just or wise or expedient for Negro children to attend the same schools as white children, but they do not have a civil right to do so which is provided by the Federal Constitution or which is enforceable by the Federal Government."
At one time he suggested that the Supreme Court's decision "isn't necessarily the law of the land," for "the Constitution is what the authors inflicted it to be and said it was—not what the Supreme Court says it is."
His present position is that troops should be used to enforce the laws and "If the Attorney General honestly feels more laws are needed, I'm in favor of giving them to him, to be used like a rifle against the precise problem."
SEN. GOLDWATER does not defend segregation; on public accommodations he has held: "As a merchant, I feel that a man in business who advertises for customers to come to his store . . . cannot deny (those customers), regardless of race, creed, or color, the opportunity to purchase in any department of that store or business."
Foreign Trade: Basically the senator takes a high-tariff, protectionist position. He voted against to reduce tariffs at bis discretion to reduce tariffs at bis discretion.
(Tomorrow, a look at the supporters of Earry Goldwater.)
Viet Nam Worries Philippines
The Philippines have been looking with increasing disquiet at the progress of events in South Viet Nam where the U.S. expenditure of $1.5 million a day and the assignment of 15,000 military advisers show no immediate sign of winning the guerilla war against communism.
By Phil Newsom UPI Foreign News Analyst
In Indonesia, where he has been the guest of President Sukarno, Philippines President Diosdado Macapagal, staunchly anti-communist, has indicated he has been doing some thinking about the Philippines' own position.
BESIDES HAVING military agreements with the United States, the Philippines are a member of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) which was designed specifically to halt the march of Communism in Southeast Asia.
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His line of thinking could affect the future of important U.S.military bases in the Philippines, including the Air Force base at
Clark Field and the Cavite Naval Base.
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Macapagal believes that military alliances no longer are a sufficient deterrent to the dangers facing the area.
He rejects President Charles de Gaulle's concept of neutrality for Southeast Asia.
He also rejects what he calls "the old passive role of letting others assume responsibility which it is our duty and privilege to shoulder as independent countries."
SEPARATED FROM the question of military bases, this is a position which the United States could heartily endorse.
As for the bases, Macapagal has made no suggestion that he would revise the 1959 agreement which reduced the original 99-year lease to 25 years and gave the Philippines a greater voice in their use. He has, however, joined President Sukarno in demanding the eventual removal of similar British bases in the neighboring Malaysian Federation.
Macapagal's thinking clearly takes in the listless response of first the Laotian and now the South Vietnamese peasant, who beyond the necessity of survival, has shown little interest in the matter of his rulers, whether they be communist or anti-communist.