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Summer Session Kansan
Tuesday, July 16, 1963
Future of Test Ban Talks
U.S. Arms Director Sees Glimmer of Hope
Portraits of Distinction
The Communist newspaper Pravda has already served notice that progress will be possible only if the Western powers are prepared to make new concessions on their demand for on-site inspections to check on possible under-ground tests.
Q. Do you think the U.S. Senate would ratify a nuclear test ban if one could be nogotiated?
SCIENTIFIC MEANS do exist to detect any test in the atmosphere, underwater, or in space, he said, and the United States has repeatedly declared its willingness to ban such tests without an international inspection system, leaving each country free to continue underground tests. But Russia has insisted on allor-nothing.
A. Yes, I am confident that if we can get a good treaty, with proper safeguards, the President will be able to convince the necessary two-thirds of the Senate that it is very much in our national interest to ratify it.
WASHINGTON —(UP)—William C. Foster, director of the U.S. arms control and disarmament agency, sees "a glimmer of hope" that Russia may be ready to talk realistically about reducing the dangers of the arms race.
Q. PRESIDENT KENEDY has said that one urgent reason for halting tests is to prevent the "proliferation" of nuclear weapons to other countries. How would a U.S.-British-Russian treaty stop France, or Red China, or Egypt, from developing nuclear weapons?
FOSTER MADE clear in an interview with UPI that he is not wildly optimistic about the prospects for agreement in the U.S.-British-Soviet talks.
A. At least 100 nations have indicated their readiness to subscribe to a test ban treaty if the present
That's why a high-level U.S. negotiating team, headed by Assistant Secretary of State Averell Harriman, will go to Moscow for a new round of talks on a nuclear test ban starting July 15.
But Foster said that the West cannot make any "major change" in its position because, in the present state of technology, there is no reliable way other than on-site inspection to determine when tests are being conducted underground.
nuclear powers can agree on one. With such a large portion of the human race committed to halting nuclear tests, quite a lot of economic and political pressure could be brought to bear on any country which sought to defy the ban.
Q. DOES THAT mean that arms control is just a distant dream?
A. No, because we're not waiting for the day when total disarmament is feasible. We're trying to get started with a few first steps toward bringing the arms race under control and reducing the danger of war by mistake or miscalculation. We believe that some progress, however limited, is possible in this area, because the big powers have a mutual interest in avoiding catastrophe.
A. IT CAN BE presumed that Red China has the capacity to explode a nuclear "device" and such a test might have a frightening psychological effect on Asian countries subject to Red Chinese threats. But it would not alter the world power balance in the least. Exploding a test device is a very long way from possessing an effective, deliverable stock of nuclear weapons. I think there is still time—but not much—to prevent a proliferation of nuclear weapons in the latter sense. And for the sake of humanity, we'd better use that time: the prospect of 15 or 20 countries armed with nuclear weapons is pretty ghastly to contemplate.
Q. Is there any likelihood that Red China may conduct a nuclear test soon?
Q. At best, a nuclear test ban would slow down the arms race. What about positive moves toward disarmament?
A. General and complete disarmament remains the ultimate goal of U.S. policy. But we have no illusions that it can be achieved in the kind of world we live in today. The United States has presented a detailed, step-by-step plan for general disarmament, with absolute safeguards at each step. But the world will have to change a great deal before anything like that is practical.
calculation. Such a rapid and dependable communications link would have helped greatly to reduce the dangers of the Cuban crisis. An agreement to halt nuclear testing would be another good first step.
Q. ON THE EVE of the Moscow test ban talks, would you say that the overall outlook for arms control is hopeful, or pretty bleak ?
A. Experience warns us against being too optimistic. But little
Q. What are some of the "first steps" that seem to be practical now?
things give you a glimmer of hope. The "hot line" agreement, and Russia's willingness to reopen high level talks on a test ban, indicate that they recognize, as we do, the necessity for making a start, for finding some way to turn this arms race down. I still think it can be done with safety for both sides. And I think we both have all the motivation we need to find the answer. The alternative is pretty grim.
steps" that seem to be practical now? A. Well, we've already taken one of them. The new agreement to set up "hot line" communications between Washington and Moscow is a significant move in the direction of reducing the danger of war by mis-
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