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University Daily Kansan Thursday, March 14, 1963
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS by Dick Bibler
Change the Name
This is a campaign to change the misnomer "All Student Council."
Tuesday night, Chuck Marvin and Mike Miner tried the reverse! They tried to make the organization fit its name. That didn't work. So let us change the name so it reflects the nature of the organization.
Greg Turner, a fraternity representative, said this would favor such groups as the unmarried-unorganized districts. Turner said representation should continue on the basis of past voting records. That is, the districts with the largest turnouts should (and do) have the greatest representation.
MARVIN AND Miner introduced a measure that would base representation on the number of students in each district. This is the accepted basis for representative government.
This places a premium on political machines. Those who are best organized turn out the most voters.And the fraternities are the best organized groups.
SO THE fraternities, by virtue of being best organized, have the highest percentage of representatives.
This is all right. If the members of the Council want to make a sham of representative government, they will get no argument here. The Council has a legal constitution that licenses this sort
of mockery of representative government. Members need only exercise the right.
But the business of disguising and protecting vested interests under the name "All Student Council" should come to an end. So long as the members persist in making the Council the special preserve of the fraternities, they have no right to use the title "All Student Council."
And come this spring, the members of the Council will be mouthing about student apathy. No wonder the students are apathetic—many of them are not represented.
TUESDAY NIGHT, Marvin and Miner tried to break the Greek's stranglehold on the Council. Their attempt failed, proving that the Council does not belong to all the students.
IT WOULD be interesting to watch the people who agree with Turner defend their claim to calling the group the "All Student Council."
This is no complaint about the Greeks taking charge of the Council and running it to their own content. If the only people on this campus who are interested in student government are the Greeks, the Council rightly belongs to them.
Again, that is all right. But the misnomer should be corrected. If the Council belongs to the Greeks, then it should be called the All Greek Council.
Is there a second to that motion?
Terry Murphy
SAY YOU CAN DRAW REAL GOOD, WORTHAL — EVER
THOUGHT OF TAKING AN ART COURSE ?"
Hubert Humphrey—Most Democratic Democrat
By Rose Ellen Osborne
By Rose Ellen Osborne He billed himself as the poor boy from Minnesota and distributed recipes for homemade vegetable soup during the 1960 Democratic primaries.
He was a common man and his commonness appealed to American voters.
HUBERT HUMPHREY was a humble man.
"If Muriel and I ever moved into 1600 Pennsylvania Ave., it would be a real family place. You folks would always be welcome. We'd keep the coffee-pot on all the time," he told voters.
Voters called him gabby, windy and witty. Only a few
recognized the keen mind and firm resolution of purpose indicated by his quick speech.
He was once described as "talking like a human machine gun" and one of his speeches was clocked at a rate of 250 words a minute. An eight and one-half hour filibuster with Nikita Khrushchev enhanced the legend. It was said he could talk all night on any subject.
Humphrey saw himself as a kind of resurrected Jackson who rubbed shoulders with the man in the streets while spouting New Deal doctrine.
Humphrey was the hand-
pumping, baby-kissing, back-
slapping politician from dawn to dusk and from cornfield to cocktail party during the Wisconsin primaries.
WISCONSIN WAS the proving ground and the presidential nomination was the prize. But these factors did not account for the Senator's apparent zeal for the campaign.Rather it seemed that he was a politician who liked his work.
Letters to the Editor
College Bowl
The Senator's receding hairline, dark black hair, shiny forehead and big jaw gave him the look of a Hollywood president, a movie stereotype, according to some political analysts.
Regarding your article about the College Bowl winners in the recent edition of March 11, 1963; there is a misprint. The Gertrude Sellars Pearson Team No. 2 lost to Miller Scholarship Hall by a score of 185-165. The score was reported as being 185-153. Even as the last question was being answered and time had run out, the score was 185-155. Although it is a small matter, we on the team are proud of our nearly successful attempt against the upperclasswomen of Miller.
Kristi Camp Leawood freshman
Current Events Forum
Editor
As on most previous occasions when I have spoken at the Current Events Forum, the acoustics in the Music and Browsing Room have apparently worked to the disadvantage of the Daily Kansan's reporter. In fairness to historical accuracy and the reputation of India's distinguished Prime Minister the following corrections should be made.
1) While Prime Minister Nehru and Defense Minister Krishna Menon have themselves conceded the errors I enumerated, it would be unfair and possibly absurd to saddle Indian government leaders with the responsibility for actions taken by a Chinese Communist Army.
2) I DO not believe that India will eventually win in the border dispute, but rather that negotiations
for a compromise may eventually succeed, if and when such negotiations are undertaken.
3) The Tibetan rebellion of Spring 1959 was not the beginning of strained relations between India and China, which date back to the first border incidents as early as summer of 1954.
5) I AM not at all sure that an international tribunal would grant India's claims in all the sectors of the Sino-India boundary, but I did say that India has a far stronger case in the North East Frontier Agency area. India's claim to the Ladakh area, however, will be more difficult to establish.
4) There is little if any evidence that India knowingly permitted her soil to be used as a supply base for Tibetan rebels—my reference was merely to Chinese claims that such was the case. While I did not say so on Friday, I regard these claims as Chinese propaganda.
6) The so-called Chinese "invasion" of Oct. 20, 1952, was by no means clearly a Chinese initiative, for it was on Oct. 13, that Prime Minister Nehru, in departing for Ceylon, announced that he had given orders to his army commanders to "expel" Chinese Communist troops from the disputed areas along the Northeastern Frontier. The fairest thing to say is that military offensives were initiated by both sides, but that the Chinese evidently were far better prepared for large-scale military operations, and this is what I said in my talk.
Klaus H. Pringsheim
Instructor of Political Science
If Humphrey looked like a character from a Hollywood movie, there was nothing phony about his approach to American voters. He trudged through cornfields to talk to farmers and waited at factory gates to shake the hands of workers changing shifts.
He was a man who seemed to have a guaranteed-to-win combination of American political traits. He was 48 years old. He had worked his way through college. He was Anglo-Saxon and Protestant at a time when going to church was important to Protestant America.
HE PAINTED a wide grin on his face and went out to meet the man in the street. And Humphrey's personality clicked. Party spokesmen felt that Humphrey could win any man's most popular politician contest.
Humphrey's political background showed promise. In 1943 with limited funds and amateur backing he ran for mayor of Minneapolis and almost won. After negotiating a merger between the labor vote and the farm vote he entered the race again. At 34 he was elected mayor of Minneapolis.
His opponent, John F. Kennedy, was boyish-looking at 43, wealthy and Irish-Catholic.
HUMPHREY'S TERM in office resulted in reforms which reached from the Minneapolis
police department to the local brothels.
Next he challenged the re-election of incumbent Sen. Joe Ball. This move swept him into office on a wave of publicity which has remained constant. People came to know the Humphrey smile and the Humphrey sense of humor.
But, more often than not, Americans were fooled by the man's congeniality. Humphrey is a man who can be cuttingly sarcastic or savagely critical. He says what he thinks in language the ditchdigger and the college professor can understand.
During the 1960 presidential primaries Humphrey was hailed as the standard-bearer of liberalism.
"NOBODY IS more Democratic than Humphrey," commented one observer. And Humphrey seemed determined to prove him correct by trying to tell voters all his ideas at the same time in the same speech during the primaries.
He took a firm stand on civil rights and called for a system of voter registration in areas where these rights are being denied. He pledged "to the farmer I shall be true" and promised fair price supports of parity. He
wanted to raise the minimum wage to $1.25.
Basically Humphrey's campaign policies resembled those of his opponent Kennedy. The real difference was one of personality.
Humphrey had the qualities history books say it takes to become President. But this time the combination did not click.
"THE DEMOCRATS need someone to meet Nixon head on." Humphrey had said.
But somehow the voters could not see the necessary firmness in the good-natured Humphrey. He lost the Wisconsin primaries to Kennedy, but still continued the campaign. He went on to lose the West Virginia primary before conceding the Democratic presidential nomination to Kennedy.
Beloved and good-natured in defeat as well as in victory, Minnesota's favorite son went back to his home state, where he was re-elected to the Senate.
Often called America's leading liberal, Humphrey is critical of both left and right wing extremists. "Both lack faith in the people's judgment and in the processes of a Democratic society."
Daily Hansan
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