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University Daily Kansan Tuesday, March 12.1963
Freedom for Whom?
What is the degree of devotion to freedom of expression at universities? It depends.
As long as the ideas do not touch on controversial subjects or involve controversial characters the devotion is absolute. And there are even times when controversial topics may be discussed.
This is all fair game; for two reasons: Castro is not in the auditorium or student union making his pronouncements, and it is a national pastime to knock the President.
SUCH A TOPIC is foreign affairs. You can get by with saying that maybe Castro is not 100 per cent bad guy, and even suggest that the President is a bit of a blockhead.
But that is about the extreme range of freedom of expression at universities. The minute that a student or professor touches on something close to home, the love for freedom of expression vanishes in a vapor of fear that "certain influential people" will object.
THE VOICE of dissent is welcome only when it follows the dissent of those persons who are in a position to help or hurt the university.
The true test of whether freedom of expression is truly a freedom is whether every person in the United States can exercise this right guaranteed by the freedom.
Right here at the University of Kansas, a very prominent man with decidedly controversial views will speak at Hoch Auditorium next Monday. But that is all right; Arnold Toynbee's brand of controversy doesn't touch close to home—he is controversy in the field of interpreting history.
NOT THAT TOYNBEE'S acceptability lessens the value or importance of what he has to sav.
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS by Dick Bibler
But what about the importance of opinions from persons less acceptable than Arnold Toynbee? Leaders of the John Birch Society tell us that Communism is the greatest threat to the American way of life. Yet these are the very same people who yelled bloody murder last year when
Russian envoy Alexander Fomin spoke at Hoch Auditorium.
These are the people who threaten the very liberties from within that they say the Communists want to destroy by polluting the minds of youths at universities.
BUT THEY ARE WRONG. The only way to defeat an adversary is to know him well by study and contact. Any college coach knows that you are fighting with one hand tied if you can't scout the opposition.
What better way is there to learn the two-faced nature of Communism than by hearing the contradictions from the mouths of the likes of Alexander Fomin and Gus Hall, the head of the Communist Party in the United States?
THE ARGUMENT was forwarded that the likes of Rockwell and Hall should not be invited to speak at universities until the supply of "worthwhile" speakers has been exhausted.
Recently there was a big row at Chicago University over the appearance of George Lincoln Rockwell, the crackpot-nincompoop who runs around playing like a dime-store Hitler.
This argument is all right. But those who use it must have precious little faith in the value of freedom of expression. What they mean is, in fact, don't bring the likes of Rockwell and Hall around—ever.
If Rockwell and Hall are as bad as the protectors of malleable minds claim they are, let the university students learn just how bad by firsthand experience. If we can't resist the siren call of fascism and communism now, chances are we won't be able to resist it when our protectors are gone.
It boils down to this: either freedom of expression is afforded to everyone, or it is not a freedom at all. As soon as one man is denied the freedom, it has, at that point, become a privilege to be extended only to those who agree with the powers that be.
— Terry Murphy
"BOY, WHAT SOME OF THOSE GUYS WON'T DO JUST TO GET INSIDE A GIRL'S DORM!"
Daily Hansan
University of Kansas student newspaper
Founded 1889, became biweekly 1904, triweekly 1908, daily Jan. 16, 1912.
Extension 711, news room
Telephone VIiking 3-2700
Member Inland Daily Press Association, Associated Collegiate Press Represented by National Advertising Service, 18 East 50 St., New York 22, N.Y. News service: United Press International. Mail subscription rates: $3 a semester or $5 a year. Published in Lawrence, Kan., every afternoon during the University year except Saturdays and Sundays, University holidays, and examination periods. Second class postage paid at Lawrence, Kansas.
NEWS DEPARTMENT
Fred Zimmerman ... Managing Editor
Dennis Branstiter ... Editorial Editor
BUSINESS DEPARTMENT
Jack Cannon Business Manager
Rockefeller Brings New Liberalism To GOP
(Editor's note: This is the second of two articles on the life of New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller.)
By Larry Schmidt
Nelson Rockefeller's resignation from the Truman administration marked only a brief absence from government. Three weeks after Eisenhower's election, Rockefeller was called back into public life to study simplification of the government's executive branch. But his biggest project under Ike was to be the blue-printing of the new Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. When the department went into operation in June of 1953, the President appointed Rocky as undersecretary.
OPERATING ON a first-name basis with the department professionals. Rockefeller exerted a liberalizing influence that sometimes stretched the outer limits of modern Republican doctrine.
Two important programs were credited to him. One brought Social Security coverage to 10 million more Americans and generally broadened benefits. The other extended the scope of the federal vocational rehabilitation program.
The congressmen balked, however, at a Rockefeller-backed proposal for federal reinsurance of private health insurance plans, possibly because it was opposed by the American Medical Association. They also cold-shouldered an ambitious
program of federal aid to school construction which Rockefeller helped launch.
Rockefeller was made a special assistant to President Eisenhower for foreign affairs in 1955. He sat in on meetings of the cabinet and the top-secret National Security Council. It was Rockefeller who was primarily responsible for promoting the Open Skies defense inspection plan for the Geneva Summit meeting in July 1955.
IN 1957. Rockefeller resigned his post when some apparent disagreements with the Eisenhower administration caused him to say that all the really important decisions are taken, in the end, by elected officials, rather than by appointive officials. There is little doubt that the White House experience provided the challenge that led him to place his name on a public ballot at last.
Some observers seem to think Rockefeller slipped into the nomination for governor of New York through the back door. They contend that many Republicans thought the 1958 Democratic tide was too strong to withstand; if Rockefeller wanted to run for the exercise, they reasoned, let him kill himself off and clear the way for a more orthodox Republican in the next election.
But, to the surprise of the pessimists, the millionaire politician rolled up a victory margin of nearly 600,000 votes. That was
the same year in which John F. Kennedy carried New York by 384,000 votes on his way to the White House.
Youth, technical qualifications, and a predominantly modern Republican viewpoint have been hallmarks in Rockefeller's administration.Notably missing are representatives of the GOP's old guard.
His success in the governorship was made obvious by his tax package, which set the largest revenue boost in the history of New York and was enacted by Republican votes without any substantial change in the original request.
UNFORTUNATELY, not all has been sunshine for Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller. On the morning of March 3,1961,the Albany executive mansion went up in flames and the governor and his flame barely escaped death. Soon after, observers began to realize it had been some time since they had seen much of the state's First Lady. Was something wrong? The answer was sudden and shocking.
After 31 years and five children. Mrs. Mary Todhunter Clark Rockefeller filed for divorce in Reno, Nev., at her husband's request.
And, less than 48 hours later. Rocky's son David was reported lost in the waters off New Guinea.
Now, Rockefeller threw himself into his job and worked harder than ever before in his
life. His wrinkles deepened but he seemed to accomplish more each day.
TALK OF the Presidency had become perpetual conversation at Rockefeller's news conferences almost from the day he announced his candidacy for the governorship. But it was not until 1960 that reporters were able to stir up any positive reactions on the subject.
In a series of uncertain steps, Rockefeller first denied his intentions, then later said he would accept a draft for the nomination if it came. A conference with Nixon followed, and Rockefeller, not willing to take second best, compromised and threw his support to the vice-president. In the meantime he made more than a few Republican enemies.
Some of those doubts still remain, but most hopeful Republicans today see Rocky and only Rocky as the man to beat Kennedy in 1964.
Rockefeller himself does not believe that JFK is a cinch to win in the next election. He thinks he could have defeated the President in 1960 and that he can do it in 1964.
AS ROCKEFELLER sees it. Kennedy's performance to date has been more image than substance, more rhetoric than performance, more show than go. He is convinced Kennedy's potential for major error is large—and that the President's image
and popularity can fade badly before '64.
With direct reference to Mr. Kennedy, Rockefeller says we are getting toward a government of men instead of a government by laws.
IT IS no secret that Kennedy and Rockefeller see eye to eye on a good many issues, and one of the presidential hopeful's biggest problems may be defining a political position that differs from JFK's, yet is sufficiently broad and appealing to the voters.
In an attempt to bolster his own image, Rocky recently has made numerous cross-country speaking trips for the GOP and has attempted to neutralize the liberal tag that has been with him since the days of his work with FDR. His favorite path is down the middle of the road, an area he feels Nixon ignored in the touch-and-go battle of 1960.
One such issue may be taking shape just slightly out of the corner of the planner's eyes. With his experience in the New York statehouse, Rockefeller now indicates that he sees a much greater role for state and local government than he once thought possible. He would strictly limit the power of the federal government.
Certainly, no one has any doubts about Rocky's political ambitions. In his recent inaugural address the state of New York wasn't even mentioned until page four.