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University Daily Kansan
Friday. March 8, 1963
Prayer Breakfast
LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS by Dick Bibler
What is faith? What is devotion? Who was Christ? Why should leaders of men be religious? What is the foundation of this nation?
Each of these questions would take volumes to answer. These are vital questions which should be considered, from time to time, or constantly, by everyone. These are questions of which people in positions of responsibility should take special note and consideration.
SUNDAY THERE will be an opportunity for such questions and areas of discussion to be considered. The Campus Crusade for Christ and a special Student Leadership Committee has made arrangements to provide an opportunity for collegiate leaders in the area to ponder their individual religious attitude.
This meeting, the Midwest Leadership Prayer Breakfast, is designed to provide a chance for outstanding students to gather and hear talks about religion, how it might be integrated into daily life and what it can mean in the direction of the country, the university, life.
Kansas' Sen. Frank Carlson will be making a special trip from Washington to present his ideas and beliefs to the 300 leaders expected from KU, Missouri, Nebraska, Kansas State and others in the Midwest.
SEN. CARLSON is well known in many circles as a man who has kept his beliefs in Christ close to him and has weaved such convictions into his life and type of leadership.
He will present his viewpoint as a leader in the nation's government. This is a viewpoint infrequently expressed but one which is vital to the daily considerations of the government and should be remembered by the electorate.
Also speaking will be Dr. William Bright, founder of the Campus Crusade for Christ movement. Dr. Bright will speak on the aspects of religion. He is the man who started a now worldwide organization to encourage college students to keep foremost in mind their commitment to God and how this could and should influence their life.
GATHERINGS SUCH as the one Sunday are a time for introspection by student leaders. Each person who attends the breakfast should glean something from it. But, more important, it is hoped such a meeting will mean more consideration of faith, devotion, Christ, the foundation of this nation by all students, not just those invited to the breakfast.
Bill Sheldon
" BUT WE COULDN'T STUDY FOR TH' TEST, TEACH — WE HADDA SELL OUR BOOKS TA BUY GAS."
Goldwater Holds GOP Conservative Spotlight
By Byron Klapper
In 1952 Barry Goldwater was elected U.S. Senator from Arizona by a 7,000-vote margin over Democrat Ernest McFarland. Senate majority leader during the Truman administration.
Unlike most of his new congressional colleagues, Goldwater had neither a formal college education or a law degree. Nevertheless, this avowed conservative launched a career which was to shake his own Republican Party Congress and the nation with his proposals for reform.
THE GOLDWATER profile must take his youth into account. He was raised in the wide-open Arizona spaces. Few restraints were placed on the bare-foot youngster who found more delight in mischief than scholarship. After a short time at Staunton Military Academy in Virginia, young Barry proved to be so undisciplined that he was threatened with dismissal.
But four years later, diploma in hand, he was an outstanding cadet and football player. After the death of his father in 1929, Goldwater left the University of Arizona to work in the family's Phoenix department store. Barry's formal education ended there, with one year of college.
There was little hope in 1930 that the Republican party would ever get a foothold in the staunchly Democratic state of Arizona. Yet it was in that year that Goldwater joined the state GOP and captured a precinct committeeman's post. With migration of Midwestern Republicans to Arizona, the state's GOP prospects brightened. Goldwater was elected to the Phoenix City Council in 1949. He rose to subsequent political fame for his efforts in the election of Republican Gov. Howard Pyle.
WHENEVER the dual ideology of present-day Republicanism is debated, the name Barry Goldwater is placed high on the
list of causes. Goldwater was traveling as chairman of the Republican Senate Campaign Committee when he became convinced that the Eisenhower brand of Republicanism was not being accepted by those conservatives who composed the party's hard core strength.
Daily Hansan
Then came the first major shake-up. Goldwater, standing on the Senate floor on April 8, 1957, denounced what he labeled President Eisenhower's betrayal of conservative Republican principles. Attacking the President's $71.8 billion budget, the Arizona Senator charged that such government spending "subverts the American economy because it is based on high taxes, the largest deficit in history, and the consequent dissipation of the freedom and initiative and genius of our people." With this stand Goldwater shifted the Taft conservatives to his camp.
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In "The Conscience of a Conservative," published in 1960, Goldwater outlined the standards which mark modern conservative thought. The book takes a stand on federal power, state's rights, civil rights, farm legislation, labor, taxes and spending, welfare, education, and foreign policy in light of the Soviet threat. At other times Goldwater has taken a stand on almost every issue confronting the nation.
IN HIS DRIVE to curb federal spending. Goldwater has voted against depressed-area bills in 1958, '59, '60 and '61. He opposes compulsory Social Security on grounds that it deprives individuals of their rights to enjoy their income as they see fit. He sees medical care for the aged as a step toward a welfare state.
"Suppose I should vote for a measure providing for free medical care," Goldwater said. "I am unaware of any moral virtue that is attached to my decision to confiscate the earnings of X and give them to Y. Let welfare be a private concern."
And what of U.S. foreign policy? Goldwater says that this
country has never taken seriously the fact that the Communists aim to conquer the world. He emphasizes that we are engaged in a cold war, and that "the great and inescapable task of our epoch is not to end the Cold War, but to win it." Among his more drastic foreign policy proposals, Goldwater has urged withdrawing recognition of the Soviet Union and cutting aid to uncommitted neutrals.
ON THE national scene Goldwater has opposed federal interference in school integration in the South. He favors a return to what he considers Constitutional principles and a sound dollar policy. He says, "The less government, the better."
At 52, Goldwater has become the Republican party's outstanding salesman for conservatism. His book sold more than 700,000 copies in 12 printings. On college campuses, Goldwater followers number about 25,000. His popularity in his home state is unquestionable, as illustrated in his 35,000-vote margin for re-election in 1958.
If Goldwater's record is any indication, he will have plenty to say about his party's stands on issues facing the 88th Congress. It should not be too great a task to predict how Goldwater Conservatives will react to bills for reorganization of Congress, federal aid to education, tax cut and reform, medical care for the
Short Ones
A married philosopher belongs to comedy. — Friedrich Nietzsche
The more things a man is ashamed of, the more respectable he is.-George B. Shaw.
Faith may be defined briefly as an illogical belief in the occurrence of the improbable.—H. L. Mencken
It is the dull man who is always sure, and the sure man who is always dull—H. L. Mencken
I think even a bad verse as good a thing or better than the best observation that was ever made upon it.—Thomas Gray
aged, foreign aid, and urban affairs.
GOLDWATER IS likely to support reorganization of Congress. Arguments that too much power is held by too few Congressmen and that procedures are unwieldy and slow could keynote his campaign. He will advocate wider distribution of power and limiting the power of government to the specific, delegated powers given by the Constitution.
The president's Medicare bill will continue to bring opposition from the Goldwater camp. Opponents of the bill charge that it will burden Social Security payroll tax, open the door to federal encroachment in the medical field, and compete unfairly with commercial insurance.
Goldwater can be expected to oppose the Kennedy tax bill in its present form. Although an immediate tax cut may stimulate a lagging economy, the conservatives will concern themselves with prospects of an increasing deficit. Not unless tax cuts and reforms are included in one bill can the president expect to gain GOP conservative support in Congress.
GOLDWATER CAN be expected to oppose foreign aid bills aimed at appropriating additional U.S. funds for aid to new nations. He will attack the program as being expensive, poorly administered, and invoking anti-Americanism among proud nationals. More than $80 billion has been spent on foreign aid in the last 15 years. Goldwater will emphasize efficient administration of existing funds, programs, and loans.
Goldwater conservatives could hardly be expected to compromise their opposition to federal aid to education. The Constitution specifically delegates responsibility for education to the states. Goldwater backers will argue. Similar opposition can be expected toward urban affairs, the proposals which were soundly defeated in the Senate last year.