4B
Friday. April 7, 1995
Financial Director Graduate Student Council
Duties: Financial management of budget for 35 grad student orgs and GSC office.
Qualifications: Knowledge of Lotus 123 and WordPerfect, Budgeting Experience, Familiarity with State Purchase Rules, Interpersonal Skills
Salary: Half-Time (July 1 to June 30) Graduate Assistantship, Staff Tuition Rates, $675/month
Application: Submit Resume; Application Letter;
Names, Titles, & Phone Numbers of 3 Current References by Tuesday, April 11, 1995, to:
Michelle Violanti, GSC 426 Kansas Union, KU
School of Fine Arts
1020 Massachusetts in downtown Lawrence
The University of Kansas
NATION/WORLD UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN
Department of
Music and Dance
Jazz Ensemble I and KU Jazz Singers Dan Gailey, director
7:30 p.m.
Monday
April 10, 1995
Lied Center
General admission tickets are on sale in the KU box offices. Murphy Hall, 864-3982; Lied Center, 864-ART5. SUA Office, 864-3477; public $6 students and senior citizens $3; both VISA and MasterCard are accepted for phone orders.
Gingrich gains power and popularity as House speaker
The Associated Press
WASHINGTON — One day this week, the president of Egypt paid a courtesy call to Capitol Hill. As House Speaker Newt Gingrich hurried outside to greet him, a 71/2-year-old tourist spotted the celebrity.
"Hey, Newt," he called, waving an arm, jumping up and down. "Hey, Newt! Newt! Newt! Newt!"
Not everyone loves him, but can anyone imagine a kid shouting upon seeing Thomas Foley or Jim Wright or even Sam Rayburn?
Speakers of the House don't normally generate excitement. Nor would it ever have occurred to them to request television time for an address to the nation, as Gingrich is doing tonight. Just like a president.
Few politicians outside of the White House have become so dominant as fast as Gingrich, or so capable of taking the agenda-setting role away from the president.
In fewer than 100 days, Gingrich has turned a job that was always internally powerful within the Capitol into an externally powerful national office — even if he has yet to overcome the country's wariness.
Overriding seniority, he installed his own loyalists as chairmen. The Gingrich agenda became the congressional agenda. In the process, Gingrich often outraged Democrats and sometimes roughed up fellow Republicans.
Rep. Christopher Shays, R-Conn., only reluctantly went along with this week's tax cuts, which he wanted scaled down in deference to the deficit. "We've boxed ourselves in, and that's unfortunate," he said.
His timing was crucial: He came along to capitalize on the frustration of Republicans who had endured 40 years as an ignored minority in a majority-rules world.
Gingrich brought single-minded attention to his task as speaker. He spoke like a visionary while offering raw meat to the conservative faithful.
Important, also, was his own high-energy national campaign to elect a Republican House. He helped bring into office 73 Republican freshmen.
The country's mood played a role. The same anger that helped account for Ross Perot's strength and turned the tide from Bill Clinton — once he started to look like a business-as usual politician — played into Gingrich's hand.
The election results demonstrated that the general ideas in Gingrich's Contract With America were acceptable — less federal intrusion, diffusion of power to the states, less money for the welfare-dependent.
He was fresh, interesting, newsworthy, and he had something to say.
By the end of March, the big three television networks devoted 114 stories to him and only 33 to the second-most visible member of Congress, Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole. The Associated Press carried 1,033 stories mentioning Gingrich from the time he became speaker to the start of this week.
"Gingrich is willing to risk some of his own popularity for the sake of asserting leadership on a larger issue," says congressional expert Michael J. Malbin of the State University of New York at Albany. "He wants to accomplish something — nothing less than a major reshaping of the way people think about government."
And no matter whether the Contract With America was a master stroke or a mere gimmick, it gave the Republican majority an agenda. At a time in politics when personality is said to be paramount to platform, substance mattered, for once.
It may appear that Gingrich burst onto the scene in January, but actually, he had been riding — and stirring up — a wave of Republican unrest for a decade.
Defeated in his first two races for Congress and almost defeated for reelection in 1990, he spent years derided as a noisemaker. He initiated the ethics charges that ultimately caused Wright to quit as speaker.
Gingrich's climb started with a two-vote victory for Republican whip — as a challenger to the goal, get-along attitude of senior Republicans.
An odd aspect of the Gingrich phenomenon is that for all his success steering the Contract through the House, the public remains skeptical.
That may be partly due to ethical issues Democrats have raised — the renounced $4.5 million book contract and the financing of the college course he taught.
And partly the Republicans may have reached too far. "People just don't like cutting education, school lunches and food stamps. And they're pretty skeptical about the idea of cutting taxes," says Benjamin Page, a public opinion specialist at Northwestern University.
Thus polling suggests the speaker has yet to win the backing of even half the public. At the end of March, 44 percent approved of the way he was handling his job and 37 percent disapproved.
Even here, Gingrich can claim uniqueness. Not only do kids jump up and down when they see him, he's the first speaker whose performance has come to be routinely measured by the pollsters.
Spending cuts priority for U.S. Senate
The Associated Press
WASHINGTON — Eager to declare victory and begin their Easter recess, U.S. Senate leaders sought to revive a stalled $15 billion package of cuts in social programs after liberal Democrats balked at a potential compromise.
Majority Leader Bob Dole and Minority Leader Tom Daschle, D.S.D., labored to find middle ground on the measure yesterday after Democrats rejected a tentative deal the two men — with the backing of President Clinton — had struck Wednesday night.
That agreement would have protected programs for children, housing and jobs from some Republicans sought cuts while slashing other programs even deeper, raising its total savings to $16 billion. But Democrats, worried that the deal still wounded anti-poverty initiatives that the party has defended, rebuffed their leader and rejected it.
"It's more than numbers," said Sen. Frank Lautenberg, D-N.J." It's policy. It's principle. It's a question of what you stand for."
The measure is a top priority for Dole and other GOP senators eager to prove that they are as zealous about deficit reduction as their faster-moving House brothel. The House already has approved a bill slashing $17 billion from home-heating aid, education, public broadcasting and other programs.
With the stakes that high, Dole vowed to delay today's start of the Senate's recess until lawnmakers completed the spending-cuts bill. He tried limiting debate, which began March 29, but Democrats held together. The 56-44 roll call was four votes shy of the 60 needed to force a quick vote.
As Daschle and Dole pondered their next moves, the House voted its approval of a $3.1 billion measure replenishing Pentagon coffers drained by peacekeeping operations in Haiti, Somalia and elsewhere. The Senate was expected to follow the House's 343-80 roll call with its own approval, which would send the measure to Clinton for his signature.
Dashle conceded that Dole eventually would get the votes needed to pass the spending-cuts bill. He said Democrats might as well accept a toned-down measure that protects some programs from GOP-sought cuts and share credit with Republicans for the bill's deficit reduction and $6.7 billion disaster assistance to states.
Clinton also supported the measure, which contained two irresistible nuggets for him. One was $275 million in debt forgiveness for Jordan, which he has sought to encourage the Middle Eastern peace process. The other was the disaster aid, most of which would go to earthquake-damaged California, a key state for his 1996 electoral prospects.
$300 First prize $200 Second Prize $100 Third prize
McCollum Hall in cooperation with the Association of University Residence Halls is sponsoring its seventh Battle of the Bands. Residents of KU and the community are invited to the front lawn of McCollum Hall to watch local bands compete for cash and recognition.
All interested bands should submit a demo tape to the McColm Hall front desk or mail one to: Battle of the Bands, McColm Hall, 1800 Engel Road, Lawrence, Kansas 60405. Priority deadline 5:00pm, Monday April 10, 1995. For further information call (913) 844-8001 and leave a message--response guaranteed.
ASSOCIATION
101 University of Kentucky, Knoxville