UNIVERSITY DAILY KANSAN editorials
Unsigned editors represent the opinion of the Kansean editorial staff. Signed columns represent the views of the editors.
February 27,1979
KU seeks only profits
Try as it might, the University of Kansas Endowment Association cannot disguise the fact that its thirst for profit precludes any human rights considerations.
That became distressing obviously last week when the Endowment Association announced its new policy concerning the University's holdings in companies that have an economic interest in South Africa. The policy has raised the practice of setting up smokescrows to the level of art.
Rather than taking responsibility for its actions, the Endowment Association chose instead to leave that nasty chore to its contributors. The association released a statement that said contributors could request that their contributions not be invested in companies that do business in South Africa. The Endowment Association said that it would honor those requests.
BUT THOSE contributors who do not specifically prohibit their money being invested in such businesses will find their money invested "to maximize income to support KU."
While that in itself is obviously a desirable goal, the Endowment Association refuses to modify that goal so that assets could be maximized after severing ties with companies operating in South Africa.
And by washing its hands of the South African question, the association chooses to close its eyes to the role played by American corporations in the South African economy, which supports the policy of strict racial segregation better known as apartheid.
At last report, the Endowment Association had $8.5 million invested in 27 corporations with economic ties to South Africa. The association's continued financial interest in those corporations amounts to tacit approval of the policies of these corporations, which in turn amounts to an endorsement of the role of those corporations in maintaining apartheid.
BUT WHEN confronted with questions about its investment policies, the Endowment Association chooses to shrug its shoulders and adopt a "What, me worry?" pose. Todd Seymour, association president, admitted that the statement had been prompted by an invitation to meet with the KU Committee on South Africa, a group seeking divestiture of KU's holdings in the 27 target companies.
So rather than take an open stand for or against divestiture, the Endowment Association has chosen to skirt the issue entirely and leave it in the hands of its contributors. Seymour said the policy was "the only realistic approach" to the association's investments. Given the association's questionable moral outlook, which claims the profit motive as king, that is probably correct.
"This should preclude our attendance at the meeting," Seymour said.
But when judged by any other standard, the Endowment Association's lack of concern for the consequences of its investments can only be seen as shameful. The University of Kansas deserves better.
The stability of America's urban public schools has been deteriorating for some years. The many Americans have realized for years that standardized standards are slipping and that nearly all parents who can afford it will send their children to state schools or to suburban public schools.
Integration by busing sped up this process. Combined with that was the fear that the urban schools did not have the stability and resources to maintain decent educational standards. However, this lack of confidence was a self-fulfilling prophecy: As more whites fleited the city, the schools lost stability and resources. And as those students fleeted out where they fled, leaving the urban schools with monumental problems that were impossible to solve with a mostly disadvantaged population.
The trend of whites in the cities now is to send their children to private, and usually parochial, schools. They have left the urban school system breathing its last breath.
Tax credits threaten urban schools
AND THIS almost-dead system now finds it must also struggle to ward off a Congressional action that may finally destroy it. Sen. Daniel Moynihan, D-N.Y., and Sen. Robert Packwood, R-Oregon, have gained the support of 50 other senators for legislation that would provide income tax benefits to parents of children who attend private schools.
Moyyhan has said the tax credit issue is "likely to be among the most important debates in education history." And Moyyhan is very probably right—especially when one considers the im-
The legislation proposed by Moynhan and Packwood would provide credit for half of a child's education up to a maximum of $250. The other half would be allocated to all families, rich or poor, would receive the same amount of credit. It is estimated that the loss to the federal treasury with this bill would be $49 million.
TWO OF THE STATED goals of the Packwood-Moyinah legislation are to provide needed relief to the tax-harassed middle class and to give parents a workable alternative to a public schools system they can afford. The new system is children's educational or religious needs.
However, there is some question as to whether the relief would really help the middle class. Indeed, there are indications that such legislation would not only hurt the
Gun control ineffective, undesirable
To the editor:
American society, but this fact has been ignored during most of the debate centering on the issue.
It often occurs to me when reading newspaper editorsials castigating gun ownership, how selective editors are in choosing constitutional amendments they wish to support. When George Mason put together the Bill of Rights, the founders of the Constitution meant for all 10 amendments to be respected and maintained as a principle of government, ports the First Amendment guaranteeing free speech, in its all expanded powers and rights, condemn Second Amendment rights to a very constrictive interpretation?
With 52 supporters, the Packwood-Moynihan bill will likely pass the Senate, as a similar bill in the House. However, much to his credit, President Carter has seen the awful implications of such legislation and has promised to veto any action along those lines. He proposes, instead, legislation that would provide loans to students to prevent them from pursuing private schools. And these loans and grants would not be distributed across-the-board, as with the tax credits, but would be based on need.
There is, however, evidence to prove that citizens will not lightly give up their guns by registration and eventual confiscation. Referendums held in California and Massachusetts both ended in overwhelming defeats of just such moves. The very locales where murders and other crimes are the toughest in D.C., Chicago—have the toughest handgun and long gun restrictions, if not bans, in the country.
Mary Ernst, for four columns, proclaims how only a small minority of gun lobbies will be involved in the human changes that necessarily should come through gun control. There is no hard and fast evidence that gun registrators or even prevented any crime from happening.
Present federal gun purchase regulations ban any interstate sale or transfer of handguns, and all gun purchases are accepted by all states. The legal document registration of purchasers. Those "70 or 80 percent of the American citizenry" mentioned by Ernst as favoring stricter gun control, on the whole, were not required to exist, existing买 limitations just mentioned.
Such a move is a responsible one and may prove to be one of the most important stands in the fight against the takeover, taken especially with the middle-income tax cut mood that has gripped most politicians during the last decade.
Since handguns and long guns are already banned and restricted respectively in interstate commerce among federally licensed private citizens, why the alarming restrictions compared to other restrictions as compared to the lower rates in other freer areas of the country? The answer is that gun registration and confiscation doesn't work. When persons are intent upon harming others by illegal means, they might little or how where they get weapons.
Note the number of illegally stolen military and police weapons that are recovered in crimes. It is easy for a suburban or small town to obtain a general population should not own handguns when he or she is surrounded by a well-paid police force and a generally cooperative community. To deny access to effective means of protection in urban areas, as has happened in many if not most instances of police use of personal and property protection at all.
To feel that the general populace in this country cannot responsibility handle guns is to ignore the fact that a substantial minority, if not a majority, already do. To deny the urban dwellers guns because of registration and confiscation has driven the价 adequate protection higher or has made guns more dangerous. This policy has and does smack of racism and economic stratification, leaving only to the rich, powerful and the criminal element
As Moynihan said, this debate may be the most important debate that education has seen. With 90 percent of America's children going to public schools, it is important that the debate not swing away from their interests.
the Second Amendment rights and privileges.
Lastly, any gun registration program, besides eventually turning into a selective licensing of wealthy or politically privileged persons, will cost billions of dollars to implement. Although an exact figure is not known for the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms own reports such as our terribly expensive in tax dollars such a program would be.
Persons with a criminal, medical, mental or residential disqualification are barred from completing a purchase. To expand these qualifications is to proclaim that private citizens in general cannot be trusted to be responsible for their actions. The truly parity of responsible gun owners would lose their right to own weapons, to because of government fear that a few might commit illegal acts with guns in the future.
Costs versus benefits argues against such a proposal, particularly if one takes Erut's arrests and transfers them to those killed in legitimate accidents, police shootings, and justified homicides. As mentioned, a registration officer governing gun purchases in this country
This form of placing the guilt of a small minority on a responsible major, as Ernst's proposal would in fact do, is repugnant to say the least.
Craig S. Crosswhite Topeka law student
Amnesty International is not affiliated with any government or organization, but has consultative status with the United Nations, the Organization of American States and the Council of Europe. Amnesty has many adopted prisoners in Cuba, though only a few in the People's Republic of China have been released for information about cases in that country before he recently published a report on general human rights violations in China.
Amnesty is touchy about its image
amnesty because it can only be effective if it is seen to be both impartial and credible. Although the movement generally gets good press in this country, it has been criticized because of the prisoners of conscience are communists.
Amnesty's criticism often unwarranted
To the editor:
Having read the report on Amnesty international in The Kansan, I should like to say that I have never been a victim of it.
Of course, Amnesty gets equal or greater criticism and misrepresentation from the East European press for its work on behalf of the United Nations. The criticism of actions in communist countries.
And there is a question about the constitutionality of such credits for parochial school. The Constitution insist that the Constitution never meant to prohibit aid to any level of parochial school. Attorney General Gervish Bell and others argued that these credits would not survive a Constitutional test.
ALTHOUGH AMNESTY will not adopt as a prisoner of conscience anyone who has used or advocated violence, this does not affect its campaign against torture and
The amount of money involved would owl little to help middle income children go to elite private schools, which cost between $2,000 and $4,000 a year. But the bill would most noticeably help parents of children in Roman Catholic schools. With those schools the tax credit would be $400 each year, the tax credit would hardly their educational costs in half. One can only help, calling such a bill "special interest."
Mary
Ernst
THIS INEQUITY can be seen by a simple example: a family earning $80,000 receives $1,000 in credits for sending four children to private schools, while a family earning
capital punishment. This applies to all prisoners, whether proven terrorists or convicted criminals. Anmesty works for the police and for such people, though not for their release.
lower income students, but that it wom only minimally help middle income families while providing $250 of pocket money for each child of wealthy families.
$25,000 receives no money because their four children attend public schools. The only "educational alternatives" the middle income family has to public schools, then, is to send them to parochial, mostly Catholic, schools.
Problems of public image or crichtisin are not major interests of most U.S. Amnesty members, and are unlikely to concern the proposed Lawrence group much. Patient, repetitive and often unfruitful work for prisoners are their contribution to human rights throughout the world. When looking at these issues, it is important Lawrence group will be doing at its formation in April, apathy, rather than antithesis, will be their likely concern.
Whatever the outcome of a tuition tax credit bill, and the very likely Supreme Court hearing following it, the foundation of education is threatened. For if the federal government encourages students to flee the public schools by allowing their parents tax credits, what will happen to the chance to enroll them and provide a decent education to all?
Amnesty's work, though often successful, is rarely spectacular. There is rarely the thrill of direct confrontation with the "baddies" or their agents.
But commitment to human rights should not require such reinforcement, especially when what we can give is so small compared to what others must give. The step of giving permission may take one. I hope more will use the formation of a Lawrence Anmestey group to take that step.
INDEED, WHAHT happens to society?
Every time one student fails to receive an education, society suffers. A sound educational system is a must to all of
Lindy Farmer
2111 Harvard Rd
Lindy Farmer
To the editor:
Jake Thompson's February 20 article has misplaced blame on faculty members and administrators, with $2.50 student activity fee. His concern should be directed toward the state administration. Yes, the state should pick up the responsibility of operating the UK recreation facilities.
For myself, my $2.55 is a good investment for both my health and morale. I regularly spend much more money for less expensive shoes than each semester payment. Increases in income fees have been mined in contrast to increased costs of private racquetball courts, tennis courts and fitness centers the past three years in the category of "a fringe benefit," is
Faculty recreation big 'fringe benefit'
The availability of recreational facilities for KU faculty as a fringe benefit has and will serve as an incentive for attracting faculty concerned with aspects of their health and maintenance of high energy levels. An additional benefit would be the provision of classroom rapport between students, staff and faculty through use of the facilities.
Eliminating the faculty "fringe benefit" of free recreational facilities may severely alter some of these good experiences. This benefit may provide a necessary outlet for faculty development. A recreation might serve as a disincentive for faculty enthusiasm in recreational activities.
During my five years at KU, I have utilized recreational facilities often. I have also enjoyed meeting professors from numerous colleges in the Allen Field House and Robinson Gymnasium.
So why make a mountain out of a molehill? Incentives for faculty involvement can be made.
Heidi Wallace Lawrence graduate student
Ph.D. jargon spells illiteracy, deceit
N. Y. Times Feature
IRVINGTON-ON-HUDSON, N.Y.-Like most of my friends in book publishing, I groan when I get a thick package from a university.
Inside the envelope, I know there's a manuscript from some professor who's teaching me to do it. The manuscript that serves no one but the professor himself and some faculty com-
By DONALD HOLDEN
I know that the book will be written in the illiterate scholarly jargon that publishers (and cynical graduate students) call "dissertationese."
"Dissertationese," the standard lingo of doctoral dissertations, is the language that professors use to disguise self-contempt with pomposity. The scholar, who often spends his professional life counting the cats in Zanzibar, secretly knows what that he has to say is unimportant. So he inflates his book to make it seem like a complex scholarly structure with lots of footnotes to make the content sound important.
Publishers know that most professors are bad writers. The professor's grammar, spelling and punctuation are usually used, apt to be pretentious, unclear and chaotic.
AND LIKE most people who write badly, he does it on purpose. As George Orwell points out in "Politics and the English Language," bad prune doesn't happen by accident: It's a conscious attempt to deceive.
Faculty committees—who grade him on how well he play the academic game—may be more critical.
THE PUBLISHER also knows that bad writing usually hides, or tries to hide, intellectual laziness. Every experienced editor can tell you the real purpose of those turgid, ponderous sentences: They're designed to conceal the fact that the writer
Because we try to give every author a fair hearing, my staff may spend hours putting the manuscript through its paces. But in the case of almost certainly the book will be rejected.
Good scholarly writing, like good teaching, isn't an ego trip—a monument to your intellectual achievements—but a service you perform for a stranger. To write well, you must put yourself in that stranger's shoes and imagine that you are the reader. Whether that reader is a scholar or layman, your primary responsibility is to help.
manuscript: The star of the book is not the writer, but the reader.
Even an inexperienced editor soon discovers that bad academic writing, like political speeches, can be a subtle form of living.
BAD ACADEMIC writing begins in the graduate schools where professors-to-be are trained to write by the professors whose books we turn down. Doctoral programs require that you be familiar with refuse) to teach the fundamental lesson that produces a clear, simple, well-organized
And why is the professor's "story line" so chaotic and bewildering? Not because his ideas are so lofty, but because he'd dodged attacks by being a liar; job-to-job to link his facts in a taut, logical chain.
hasn't taken the time to figure out precisely what he wants to say.
Professors are fond of saying that the hard-earned Ph.D. is the license of their trade. But until doctoral candidates are required to complete a course on the basis of good writing—as responsibility to the student is the basis of good teaching—publishers will continue to regard the Ph.D. as a virtual guarantee of illiteracy. And professors who don't teach their readers as they bore their students.
With rival scholars watching, the professor may construct a vague, pompous sentence or a meandering "story line" to avoid the facts that don't support his case—to bury what he doesn't want to say—or to distinction between fact and opinion, but he can prove, and what he can't. Academic writing is often just plain dishonest.
Donald Holden, who spent two days pursuing a doctorate in art education at New York University, is editorial director of a publishing house that specializes in art books.
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