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Tuesday, May 3, 1977
University Daily Kansan
Comment
Opinions on this page do not necessarily reflect the views of the University of Kansas or the School of Journalism
Unionization argued
After a faculty bargaining unit was established in 1975, faculty support for unionization, never very large, dwindled even further; present, it isn't under consideration.
James Feldstein, director of employee relations and one who contends the bargaining unit is sufficient, says the faculty doesn't really need that much clout. He says unionization would be a detriment rather than a positive force.
"I THINK," he said last week, "KU is a burden. I need it, need to be provided by collective action."
He's right. The University has, in general, been good to its faculty. But something has been lost in the translation. That something is missing, especially Chancellor Archie Dykes.
Largely because of Dykes' efforts, faculty members are receiving a six per cent increase in salary next year, which will reduce the salaries at KU the largest in the Big Eight.
Before budget proceedings began last year, Dykes and other Board of Regents institution heads met to discuss salary requests. The others suggested five per cent; Dykes suggested eight per cent than you think you can get but it worked; the faculty got six per cent.
On the other side of the unionization argument there are such faculty members Oc Carl Jeban, associate professor of EAI at Kearny College and a fellow of the Akron Asian studies. Leban says faculty members
at KU need some sort of an agent so that, in a crisis, they could react in a reasonable length of time.
THERE ARE merits to Leban's argument, too.
One such crisis could be the inevitable departure of Arch Dykes. The reason the faculty doesn't need much clout now is that they have it already in the form of an aggressive administration, going to bat for them at every opportunity. If Dykes were to be replaced someday with a less effective or less aggressive chancellor, the current bargaining unit might suddenly be revealed as less than sufficient.
The issue of faculty unionization is complex. And it is certainly not inevitable that a union would boost the faculty's power with the legislature or that organizers would ever be able to convince enough die-hard academicians that the campus' ivory towers are, in their own way, a business and they were the workers.
PITTSBURG STATE University, the only Regents institution with a faculty union, has encountered problems. Specifically, faculty and Regents could come to no agreement on salary levels there; this caused a two-year stalemate.
That stalemate, however, might not have
other consequences for other Regents
institutions also unionized.
Given all the pluses and minuses involved, the matter of faculty unionization probably deserves more than the first-glance treatment it has received.
Where else but in the land of the free and the home of the brave does the brother of a famous sports player have an unique opportunity to make an ass of himself—and in front of millions of his fellow countrymen, assess in their own right as they support his down-home success.
Yes, only here, in the old good U.S. of A., does Billy Carter, son President what 'sthis-name, he throws just for playing softball.
Billy casbing in on his brother
All for charity, of course.
And her teammates in teams
teammates $100 to him.
Billy pockets the $1,000,
but then, charity begins at
$300.
ADORNED WITH his precious "Redneck Power" T shirt, Billy capitalizes on his brother's success—a brother who wrangles with such trivial matters in a country that consumes more than it exports; national defense, in a country that could blow all the softball teams off the face of the globe as many times as they are innings in the game; and in a country where sales of making and spending money are paramount.
Recently, Brother Billy gave a demonstration of his softballswaiting and beer-guzzling at a "charity" softball game.
More recently, this pop-hero teamed up with tennis pro Chris Evert in an exhibition—more accurately, an exhibitionist—tennis match against Bobby Riggs.
"THE PRESIDENT'S brother showed an ability to volley at the net," read the
Brother Billy is a national disgrace. Few could logically question his legal right to act
before the match, Brother Billy replied. "Pabst."
Associated Press account of the farce, "but his backhand was weak and he sent several balls into the crowd."
spectacle. Billy has become a folk hero.
Of course, the crowd loved the
He wouldn't have it any other way.
Editorial Writer
When asked at the tennis tournament what sort of training he had undergone
BUT SOMEWHERE, surely,
at least in the back of President What's his-name mind is the ethical question. It is proper for a president to act as a lark;
The Kennedy's had a fine touch-football team running, probably the best in D.C. But comparisons between the two end there; the Kennedy's were in it for fun—not money.
Bill Sniffen
At least, Billy is honest about it. Unhesitably, he will state that he is caching in on his brother's phone when he will admit that he's in it for the money. After all, getting $10,000 for a softball game beats being a few Plains' local yokels for a couple bucks a night at poker.
And it sure as hell beats honest work—like pumping gas.
AT A PRESS briefing last
BUT BROTHER Billy, this is the big leagues. And, though your clowning might delight a foulmate, you're not delighting us all.
Brother Billy may soon learn that lesson as, one hopes, the reputation- and money-paying public grows sick of this First Knight, and then totally ignores him. Or at least tries to forget him.
So strike now, Billy, while you're hot. You haven't got too many swings of the bat left. And you don't swing, because looser daily.
Men, start your mowers
WASHINGTON—The Consumer Product Safety Commission recently released its proposed standard for mowers. Once the standards become effective, a couple of years hence, this will be the message to those who cut grass: if you have starting cords to prepare to tame them here.
The commission's principal recommendation calls for a kind of "deadman control" on the familiar walk-behind mowers. This means that the blade must come to a stop within three seconds after the operator releases the handle. To resume moving, the engine must turn and the mission has mandated an "easy restart" mechanism to facilitate the task.
Letters
month a skeptical reporter asked members of the commission whether they themselves regularly cut grass.
James J. Kilpatrick
don Star Syndicate, Inc.
Chairman John Byington and member R. David Pillow said, yes, they did. Commissioner Barbara Franklin said, no she didn't. The other two commissioners were somewhere else.
Permit me to speak with some feeling on this matter. When it comes to law, governesses have no more than modest competition; and as Winston Churchill remarked of a brother statesman, I have much to be grateful for because we are cutting grass, stand
back! This is the real world speaking.
IN THE REAL world, as distinguished from the building or laboratory world, mowing the lawn is a task of incessant interruptions. There is a tricycle on a tennis ball. Or a couple of rocks.
On every such occasion, under the commission's requirement, the mower would stop. It would sit there sulking. It would then have to be restarted. The commission estimates that it may be more useful than it starts at 300 times more during a mowing season than is presently done."
confident about public acceptance of their proposed nuisance. There was much speculation that most customers would go at once to the nearest friendly mechanic; there have to the deadman control effectively nullified.
While we commend Doug Lamborn for his Christian attitude of not rejecting homosexuals just because he disagrees with their actions, and for his unwillingness to approve prejudices in society, we are confident that some of the misinformation in his letter that appeared in the April 26 Kansas.
IT SEEMED evident last month, to judge from the 200 pages of material handed to him by the commission, commission weren't altogether
The kill-the-engine requirement is only one of many proposed requirements. These would add an estimated $30 to the $100-to-$150 cost of a walk-thru store, and would add $69 to the cost of a rider mower that now sells for $600 to $700. The commission's economic analysis indicates that some small manufacturers may be put out of business. The problem could be lost. A decline of 20 per cent in retail sales is anticipated.
against these practices as there is against homosexuality.
His letter implies that "gay" is an ironic term for homosexuals because he ashamed and miserable. It is true that many homosexuals, when first "coming out," go through a period of feeding on the mistreatment they be heterosexual. Yet most gays, once they accept themselves, find considerable gratification in their lives so that, despite all the problems they wouldn't change themselves even if they could.
Psychological literature contains case histories of people who have become suicidal while trying to live in heterosexual lifestyle, but who became vigorous, joyous and life- loving once they adopted their genuine feelings.
A few facts about gays
To the editor:
Lamborn's letter shows him to be a thinking, compassionate, person of high ideals. Unfortunately, he, along with many others, is misinformed about factualness and fundamental facts of humanxsexuality.
A small portion of my review in last Monday's Kanan of the performance of "Cosi fan Tutte" was left out, with the consequence that two singers weren't mentioned.
Lamborn also states that homosexual relationships are "notoriously brittle and unstable." We know of many long-term homosexual relationships. Lamborn is probably basing his impression on college-aged homosexuals he has observed. College students of typical age, heterosexual or homosexual, tend to have more brief experiences. While for heterosexuals this is considered a healthy tendency to "date around," for homosexuals this is considered promiscuous and unstable. Brevity of a relationship doesn't necessarily imply that the person will contribute to the growth and satisfaction of the people involved.
The uncut version To the editor:
Margaret Knowles
Margaret Knowles
Lawrence graduate student
Dana Dornberg associate professor of social welfare
Norva Norweger assistant professor of psychology
Todd Vant.anlingham teacher
Gay Services of Kauai
Gay Services of Kauai
Julie McCorley was an attractive Dorabella. Nancy Atkins who sang the soubrette song for her skirt act was a bit ill with her skilled acting. She sang the part neatly and with polish though her voice did not always preach. She was a consequence she was sometimes inadmirable.
Finally, read literally, the Bible does condemn homosexuality, but, read literally, it also condemns eating shellfish or rare meat, and women wearing red dresses. Yet Lambon doesn't suggest that people who do these things wear shades and shame. Lives of misery and shame would certainly be their lot if there were as much societal oppression directed
How often are the people of Lawrence and the students of KU privileged to bear one of the world's finest orchestras? As I understand it, possibly once every two weeks when one such orchestra does come, the changes of hearing standard repertoire are exceedingly great in that all orchestras perform standard repertoire. They are performed frequently and received with great enthusiasm in all of the cultural centers of the world.
dean, research administration
Reviewer reviewed To the editor:
I for one, enjoy hearing such a program; however, in the 10 years I have studied violin and performed in numerous orchestras, I apparently haven't achieved that degree of musical proficiency that most music students at KU have achieved. Tim Purcell among them.
In the opinion of this musician, seemingly more accomplished that the likes of Lorin Mazel, Maiden Majeske.
ete., performing standard repertoire; e.g., an all-Beethoven program, is an act of "condenescence." I disagree violently. The people who flock to Sevence Hall during the entire month of January to hear such all-Beethoven programs, for the Cleveland Orchestra was inducted. They are Ipurc suggesting that the concert-goers of Cleveland aren't as 'musically sophisticated as he' I find that they are. Also discovered that if the works on the program are familiar to me, my enjoyment of the concert is heightened, not detracted from. True. Beethoven's works, especially the hard-dairy repertoire, and most people are familiar with them.
However, my familiarity with the works increased my enjoyment of the program, as I am sure it did for many others in attendance at Hoch last Wednesday night.
My last comment is that before he casts any stones, Purceil should get his information straight. I discovered in speaking with Stephen Gebel, a member of the management personnel of the Cleveland Orchestra, and Lorin Mazel had little to say about the choice of works they performed here. According to Gebel, the Cleveland Orchestra sent a letter of their feedback to KU College. Series management then choose the program.
Carol Pinnick
ALL THIS is necessary, in the commission's view, to achieve a significant reduction in the number of power mower accidents. These are estimated at 56,000 annually. Approximately $1 billion of these losses can be use. In terms of retail sales, this is a $1.5 billion industry.
It all strikes me as too much paternalism, even when full acknowledgment has been given to the pain and suffering caused by the commission's member of the commission's staff, William V. White, had the same feeling. Let him have the last word:
Akron, Ohio, freshman
"Having been personally involved in many lawnmower safety demonstration projects and research studies since 1961," said White, "my general conclusion is that this proposed law will be mandating a product that most consumers do not want at a price they cannot afford to pay."
Truman upset marks new era
Note: Sunday is the 92nd anniversary of Harry Truman's birth. This analysis recounts the events surrounding the most shocking event of Truman's presidency and his upset victory in the 1948 Presidential election.
Today, 28 years after it was taken, the famous photograph can still bring a smile to your face.
It is a simple case. A small, white-haired man stands before a crowd, his eyes twinkling from behind wire-rimmed spectacles. A wide, toothy grin is spread across his face as he holds aloft the front page of the Chicago Tribune. The paper's headline blares: "Dewey Defeats Truman."
The man is President Harry Truman. The day is Nov. 3, 1948.
And, of course, Dewey hadn't defeated Truman.
The Chicago Tribune wasn't alone in its humiliation. Every major newspaper, and all newspapers except The New York Times, was sued winner in that 1948 election. Trump's victory was a major shock then; now, in retrospect, it seems that it also signaled the coming of age of American voters.
WHEN HARRY TRUMAN stood holding that headline for all the world to see, he was content just to know that he had won an impossible victory. But the impossible victory had also changed Americans' concept of the Democratic party, of presidency and, certainly, of polls and journalists.
In 1948, Truman wasn't a popular President. He had been pushed into office by the tragic death of Franklin Roosevelt, and Republicans inwardly cheered. They saw Roosevelt as the single reason the Democrats had held onto power for four Presidential terms.
Thus, Republicans reasoned, ousting Truman from office would show that it was Franklin Roosevelt—not the Democratic party—that had held America spellbound.
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It seemed like an easy enough task. Truman had been slipping in popularity since the day he took off.
Business Manager Janice Clements
His popularity began to wane as the rate of inflation began to climb. Truman had the misfortune to become president just as the country was about to embark on the typical post-war inflationary march. He was virtually powerless to stop it, and the public wouldn't forgive him—or so it seemed.
THE POTSDAM conference and the subsequent divvy up of Europe also displeased opponents and voters. For right-wing extremists, who wanted to roll Soviet influence back to pre-war
levels, the United States had been duped by crafty Joe Stalin.
In fact, Stalin was, at the time of Potdam, a trusted ally who had probably earned any post-war considerations he had received. At any rate, he never received the Potdam that Roosevelt wouldn't have done.
On the other end of the political spectrum, the far left New Dealers thought Truman's harsh attitude toward Moscow was ridiculous. These intellectuals saw the Communists as an essentially peace-loving people. Containment was needless.
Jerry Seib
Editorial Writer
By the time 1948 rolled around, Truman was the titular leader of a badly broken Democratic party. On the left, Henry Wallace had formed a new Progressive party and was generally conceded five million votes in any national election. On the right, a group of Southern Democrats was increasingly dissatisfied with Truman's civil rights record. As a result, they adopted at the national Democratic convention, these Southerners would bolst the party and form the opposition "Dixiecrats."
And Democrats from both sides threw their support to an ill-fated draft-Eleshower manor.
TRUMAN REFUSED to be swayed. Even in preconvention days, when the outlook was so bleak that there was no money in the Democratic coffers, for a campaign swing, Truman wouldn't be stopped. He dipped into his presidential travel notebook and considered considerable up-tour to the country by rail
At the convention, the Democratic delegates in Philadelphia glumly rummed Truman and sat back to wait for an acceptance speech. What they got was a taste of the new Truman. He delivered a ringing attack at the Republicans, who were smuily waiting to move in for the kill.
To top it off, he dropped a political bombhell: He was calling the 80th Congress back into session to test the mettle of the Republicans, who had passed his own legislation surrounding plains at help earlier national convenings.
IF THE MIDSUMMER Republican Congress
adopted the Democratic programs endorsed in their convention platform, Truman reasoned, it would prove that the Democrats were right after all. If Congress balked on the programs, it would show that Republicans weren't sincere in adopting the reform planks.
Led by Robert Taft, the Congressional Republicans refused to adopt legislation to control infiltration, expand citizenship and raise taxes in a bourgeois construction. True, the Republicans had backed the programs in one form or another at their convention. But, they wanted to change it and changes now. It was the principle of the matter.
The Republicans may have won the moral battle but Harry Truman had won the war.
IT WAS BACK on the train for two more major whistle-stop tours and several shorter ones. The Republicans, led by Dewey, stayed confident at the September, grinning at the efforts of the President.
He called the Republicans glottens. He called them shewed, cared for him, lined with no heart. He loved them, soldier-like in his deeds.
Dewey wowed to stay out of the "gutter." He delivered breezies speech about national unity and the beauty of the countryside. He did nothing to stop the building Truman support.
Dewey did nothing to stop the groundswell of Trump support because nothing told him the support was even building. The pollsters-Roper, Fitzgerald and Clinton won the victory from summer on. The New York Times predicted a Dewey victory and backed it up with the opinions of carefully selected political jour-
WHISTLE-STOP campaigning carried him to almost 400 cities. He talked about prices and industry trends.
The experts didn't notice. They had closed the books on the election weeks earlier. When the polls opened Nov. 2, the Detroit Free Press had its editorial congratulating Dewey set in type; Drew Barnett decided who would be in Dewey's cabinet; Life magazine was calling Dewey the "next President."
In short, Thomas Dewey thought it was in the
and no one disagreed. Except perhaps,
Harry.
Truman took the lead in early voting, as expected. Then, Dewey won his home state of New York, but only by a slim margin and only because he didn't win the election. Denied Truman the deep South, taking electoral
BUT POLITICAL power no longer resided solely in the East and South. The West brought victory to Harry Truman. He won traditionally Republican states in the Midwest, and he took the big cities. Civil Republicans looked on in horror, Truman 1948 and 1952.
votes from him in Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina and Louisiana. Surely, political analysts assured themselves, Truman couldn't lose the Democratic stronghold in the South and win.
Accem
ment
are
sex,
BRING
While Republicans looked on in horror, Trumann rolled up 136 electors votes to Dewey's 129.
Harry Truman was back in office, and the stage was set for Korea, the MacArthus saga and McCarthyism. But, of more direct importance, the political complexion of America had changed
Perhaps most importantly, Harry Truman had shown that a Democrat could win a national election without the support of the Deep South. For a century, Democrats had turned fondly to the South for support. Then, the South turned its back on Harry Truman, and he won anyway.
STROM THURMOND had led the Dixiecrats out of Philadelphia and into a decline in political importance that wouldn't be reversed until a man named Carter came along almost three decades later.
Also, the Dixiecrats' opposites in the Democratic spectrum, the Progressives, were in opposition to the Republican Party, had attempted to lead a party riddled with Communists. He refused to turn up the Reds, and his Progressive cause was mortally wounded; in the election, he lost the Democratic and Bred batten, the cause would be lost for sure.
The Democrats emerged from a shaky political year as the dominant force in American politics. They had won back Congress and retained the White House behind a leader other then Roosevelt.
IF HARRY TRUMAN could win, the Republican house was in a worse state of affairs than some would admit. The people were still thinking Democratic; although the GOP eventually got the White House back, it had lost Congress—a loss it would feel more deep in years to come.
Finally, red-faced journalists and pollsters took a long look at their methods. They stopped conceding elections weeks ahead of time; now, pollors elected up until the final hours before voting begins.
Polling has become more scientific, and journalists less brave in their predictions. No one, it seems, wants to be the author of the next "Dewey Defeats Trump" banner headline.