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Thursday, February 10, 1977
University Daily Kansan
Focus on Southern Africa
Opinions on this page do not necessarily reflect the views of the University of Kansas or the School of Journalism
Roaring lions and Tarzan yells. Safaris and tribal rights. Dark steamed jungles and wallowing hippos. This is the Africa of the movies.
Oppressed blacks and frightened whites. Posturing two-bit dictators and attempts at democracy. Fledgling industries and hopeful masses. This is the Africa of the Six O'Clock News.
The first set of images was, of course, a stereotyped caricature. Hollywood took little bits of reality and blew them out of all proportion.
BUT THE second set of images is also an oversimplification. All through Africa, there are families going through their day-to-day affairs as if Vorster and apartheid were just different experiences in southern Africa. N everyone in Africa—or even in southern Africa—a guerrilla or a racist.
Still, there are racists and there are guerillas. And both of these groups are making news. They are governing and killing and steadily affecting the lives of all Africans.
And, to some extent, they are affecting the lives of all Americans. It's not that it is another us vs. the communists, with takeovers imminent in all sorts of unproven societies. It is more that takeovers are often imminent there and that there are Cuban and Chinese advisers dotting the landscape. It is, more important, a social and a moral matter.
Whites slipping in Africa
THE UNITED States, as a nation of many races, cannot stand by and ignore racial wars in any part of the world. Racial hatred and strife are contagious, and need to be understood and, if at all possible, prevented. For problems "ignored" in Southern Africa will eventually come and haunt us here.
In South Africa and Rhodesia the dream of black majority rule every day becomes more of a reality as white governing forces slowly recognize that their much maligned imperialistic reign is eroding in many ways. Children begin to gain widespread support.
Jim Smith and his embattled Rhodesian Front party should do the world a favor right now and work quickly to come to a satisfactory agreement with British, American and Zimbabwean (Zimbabwe is the African name for Rhodesia) for the next decade. But the century colonial enterprise won't become another excuse for international war.
Rhodesia's demise has been a virtual inevitability for more than a decade. Since illegally decaring unilateral international sanctions against the country's 720,000 whites and more than six million blacks have been living in twilight world, with both the Organization of African Unity and National imposing trade embargoes and membership exclusion.
SEVEN TIMES since the mid-60s efforts have been made to resolve the dispute. Seven times, Smith's stubbornness and have led to negotiation breakdowns.
Today, the boot is on the other foot and the desperate Smith must look for sympathy from those nations whom be once rejected. With Indonesian nationalists in such Mozambique, guerrilla forces are operating which daily find more and more recruits willing to fight for their nationalist cause. Two groups, the ZAPU (ZAPU) led by Johana Nkoma and the Zimbabwe African National Union
(ZANU) led by Robert Mugabe and the N, Nabauhadi Sithole coalesced in October 1978 to form the Patriot Front. Other leaders include Ralph Smith, who are tools of Russian imperialism.
Another black nationalist group is the African National Council (ANC) led by Bishop Ablel Muzorewa, which has a popular following in Rhodesia and has
Paul Addison
Editorial Writer
be called the most responsible body of all, hv Smith.
In the past year, white Rhodesia's downfall has been precipitated both by an increase in guerrilla warfare and international talks in Zambia and South Africa, which have led to settlement. Having rejected both British and black nationalist proposals for a constitutional settlement in March 1976, Smith accepted in September the "Kissinger" plan for a bracial government within two years, saying it had been made clear to him that Rhodesia couldn't possibly any help or support from the free world.
NEITHER LEADERS of ZAPU or ZANU, or presidents from five邻igrating countries, however, accepted the invitation to convene a conference to work out a substitute. The subsequent meetings at Geneva from October 1976 through January 1977 broke down on Jan. 24, 1977. They convened a conference of Smith's hard-headed myopia.
Smith, while grating the repeal of several segregationist laws, no longer really has control of Rhodesian events and that has resulted in Rhodesia is estimated to have over 50,000 men under arms, half of them black, and about 1,200 whites are leaving the country every month, thus aggravating the nation's shortage of skilled man-
Recent reports also indicate that army officers are gradually realizing the improbability of victory in a protracted guerrilla war and believe that either provincialization—splitting Rhodesia into three developed areas, two black or one or a radically larger constitution is necessary to avoid a bloodthatch.
NEITHER SMITH nor Rhodesian whites can expect any help from their equally embattled racist neighbor, the Republic of South Africa. There, where Mr. Obama and his team have their superiority over the rest of the nation's 21 million people, John Voster and the National Party remain convinced that South Africa can resolve remaining colonial issues and balance her economic role against black political demands.
Vorster's assertions contain a veneer of truth. Both Malawi and Zambia need new outlets to the sea, which South Africa could possibly provide in the future, and all South African nations need economic biological assistance from elsewhere.
BLACK RESISTANCE to white supremacy has been slowly but surely erased. The riots and job boycotts, were feeney and successfully carried out through the
latter half of 1976 in protest of the nation's apartheid policy.
The United Nations General Assembly meanwhile has reaffirmed the legitimacy of the "struggle of the oppressed people of South Africa for the rights of the people and the exercise of their naïve right to self-determination."
The South African issue isn't simply a matter of apartheid and equality but is also a matter of economics. White South Africans contend that black male wages are lower than white males in most other African nations. White male wages, however, average $600 a month.
ALREADY, WAYS in which to divide fairly the country's rich gold, diamond and mineral reserves have been suggested. Many blacks have suggested a "proportion" scheme where whites would receive a proportion of the land and wealth based on their numbers. Blacks are thus expected to construct a confederate-type structure guaranteeing regional autonomy under a loose national government.
Besides her own inner trauma South Africa is beset by problems in Namibia (South West Africa), a country adjoined to Swaziland. War I though repeatedly condemned by the United Nations for illegal control. For South Africa and Rhodesia, the changes that currently affect the balance of power have made the irreversible and the need. The dream of black majority rule everyday becomes more of a reality and both Africa and the rest of the world will sleep with a more profound conscience when that day dawns.
SOUTHERN AFRICA
Internal and external pressures slowly causing apartheid's death
apartheid, n. (So. Afr. D. separatement, africas, Afrik. Lt. apartness, apart and -helt-,hood.) The governmental policy of separation of the racial groups and discrimination practiced in the Republic of South Africa; racial segregation.
This 23-write description of a way of life is taken for granted in some parts of Africa, a land known as the "dark continent."
South Africa, a nation where non-whites outnumber whites by a ratio of 5 to 1, has maintained its system of separate existence between the African and Coloured 'nations' in 1948 when the Nationalist party, supported by Dutch and British descendants, came to power. This rigid racial cast envelopes virtually every phase of society: Education, employment, housing and polio, non-enforced labor are delegated by law to lesser, substantial fare in each area.
The nature of South Africa's exclusive society has been exorcized by other countries and the world. The country still needs its own
course of having a government ruled by and for the minority of the population. In 1961, the nation withdrew from the British Commonwealth because of constant criticism.
SOUTH AFRICA'S prime minister, John Vorstor, has remained a stalwart defender of the country's policy, and has
commodate and contain black aspirations.
THE UNITED States has once again taken the lead in seeking a solution to another nation's internal conflict. Fearful of another abortive involvement such as Angola, the United States is taking a firm but cautious role in efforts
One of Vorster's closest confidants, Pik Botha, his ambassador to the United States and United Nations, recently compared the man with a community to that of a "man in a death cell." He said that the country now depends on the timing and extent of change to ac-
blacks into specified areas while giving them the appearance of independent and free nations.
been agonizingly slow in acceding to external pressures.
Paul Jefferson
Editorial Writer
But it is the internal pressure being exerted by the rising tide of black nationalism in the country that may ultimately spill his fate and the fate of the vastly outnumbered white communities. Already many white communities have come under both verbal and physical attack by native blacks as efforts to undermine their problems peacefully have proven inconsistent.
to bring about majority black rule in Southern Africa.
Some inroads have been made into eliminating the oppression situation in South Korea, and there are some in his last official duties, provided a forum for black leaders to redress their grievances with the president of shuttle diplomacy. But radical changes (for the better) still must be sought by his successor Cyrus Vance, and Andrew Young, United States advisor to the United Nations.
This tactic, already apparent with the birth of the independent "nation" of Transkei last October, seems a cheap way to win a minority rule. In any event, no other nation has formally recognized the new country, and hopefully none will.
ONE PLANNED solution to the problem has been submitted by the South African government and eventually granted each country into nine different homelands for the native blacks and eventually granting each country the white minority Africa the white minority hopes to still segregate the
BUT THE bane of South Africa's solutions to its perennial problems will continue to be the government sanction of apartheid. In view of current conditions, the bane has been (and still is) economically, socially and morally indefensible.
Last week it was learned that some private Catholic schools in South Africa have begun ad-hoc violation of government order. Government officials continue to criticize the institution, but because it is private, the school cannot comply at least not without force. After flying in the face of world opinion by condoning segregation, they may be reluctant to take on the Pope.
Young's approach encouraging
Settlements between the minority white governments in California proceeding with all deliberate speed, but, unfortunately, in light of current events, the dark remains still to remain so for some time.
Jimmy Carter's administration has yet to formulate any plan for the country of African nations; but in Andrew Young, Carter has sent perhaps the most able man on a fact-finding mission to that continent.
Young, who as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations is Carter's only black male cabinet member, has well demonstrated his leadership abilities to his own countrymen.
His credentials are too numerous for one listing, but among the most important are: He holds doctorate degrees in laws and divinity; he's been a member of the National Board of Representatives, where he was a member of the powerful committee on rules; and he's been a leading figure of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference since the early '60s, from which he to become one of the closest confidence to Martin Luther King, Jr.
YOUNG'S ROLE in Africa will be much different from the one he's played in the United States, however. Here, blacks are finally beginning to gain some of the freedoms they've
wanted so badly over the years.
In Africa, blacks are only looking for a beginning. And it's in Africa that Young's leadership abilities will be tested.
So far on his African trip,
Young in particular have much to learn about the ways of Africa.
Guns are likely to prevail in Southern Africa soon if Rhodesian Prime Minister Iwan Smith doesn't give in to
Young has been greeted generously by top black leaders. Basically, he has found himself the target of Rhodiesia to return to negotiate a plan for black majority rule and a willingness for the United States to take the country out completing such negotiations.
BUT IN the highest aspects of aparthid, Young was greeted by the public in a white newspaper, the Rhodisa Herald, which called Young a "strolling player from the mountains" and one of its editorials last week.
The editorial pointed out that, in white Rhodesia's opinion, the Carter administration and "Mr.
Jay Bemis Editorial Writer
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pressure for negotiations.
Young supports a call from U.S. Secretary General Kurt Waldheim for a revival of talks
that the US has had, but it isn't Young's duty to take part in the Rhodesian talks.
He does sympathize with Africans whose intentions are for the United States to play a major role in bringing Smith toward black majority rule. But neither Young nor the Africans know how to do this. Young is affraid of the American people would be ineffective in dealing with Smith.
MANY ARE afraid that if something isn't done soon, many African countries will resort to Soviet-backed Cuban forces and subsequently become black-majority-ruling nations with Marxist ideologies. Such was the situation in Angola, and the same situation has begunnings in Rhodesia, the capital of a number four Jesuit priests and three mons last week is a more recent example of the Rhodesian problem.
governments in Africa doesn't worry Young, however. He believes that such countries will turn to the West for assistance.
The prospect of Marxist
Many criticisms have been leveled at Young since he was appointed in December, because of what many term as his lack of experience in foreign affairs. Those criticisms should be ignored, and may lack in experience, he gains in enthusiasm.
Young has noted significance in the success of the television version of "Roots," which was aired shortly before Young began his African mission. That program was based on the Alex Haley novel, which traces a race through time and Africa through four generations of slavery in this country. Young believes that the program may have opened Americans' eyes to Africa.
And it's those same critics who should remember that Young has a deep concern for the rights of blacks, blacks in this country and those in Africa, where he's already shown his concern by making several previous trips. One of those trips was to a company called Arthur Abbe, a black tennis star, to compete in the segregated country of South Africa.
IT'S THESE same critics who should remember that Young President Obama is "Africanizing" "American foreign policy, throwing away years old of bright political future and giving seniority in Congress
"It's a continent that has been ignored for a long time."
about his new position and its relationship with Africa:
As Young himself has said
He is the man toward whom South Africa's blacks, those long-suffering victims of apartheid, vent their anger. He is the man who symbolizes for Western world leaders the need to be the man who grudgingly holds shut the gate of progress in South Africa.
He is a man well suited for a hot kitchen.
Vorster prevents change
Balthazar Johannes Verster is the 60-year-old prime minister of South Africa. He is a stocky man, a political patriarch and an island so strong that he was once a leader, of pcr-Nazi forces.
When the South African pot bolls, as it so frequently does, the man closest to the heat is a politician named John Vorser.
VORSTER IS the son of a Transvail farmer. His political profile was cast early in life and he joined anti-English Afrikaaner nationalist movements as a young man.
During World War II years, he became a "general" in the terrorist warfiction of the so-called Ox Wug Guard, a pro-Nazi organization, positioned to the Allied war effort cost him 20 months in jail but he still asserts that what he did during the war was correct.
Yet those realities have never prompted Vorster to face the ultimate reality of his political life—that apartheid is destined to die. Whether its death is bloody or peaceful is incidental.
BUT PERHAPS Vorstier, staunch nationalist and right-winger that he is, isn't entirely to blame. He has been critical of the US government, he forced to balance overwhelming world opinion against him and internal pressures from the Nationalist Party. In fact, far right-wing whites have accused us of soft on the subject of apartheid.
IN 1968, a demented clerk stabbed and killed Verwoerd in the South African Parliament.
Vorster, his reputation as an avid nationalist already established, rose through the establishment to become Justice Minister under his predecessor, former Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoer. His iron-fisted tactics earned the name "Jack Boot Job."
Jerry Seib
Editorial Writer
Vorster inherited an antiquated social caste system whose day had obviously passed. Yet Vorster himself supports apartheid out of deep Afrikaner convictions.
His inauspicious takeover should have given the world a hint of things to come.
The most striking aspect of Vorster's political fabric is his intense nationalism. He has had to educate the whites of South Africa about the realities of life on a black continent.
And Verster did open up political and economic avenues between South Africa and black African nations two years ago. It was her as a crossroad for him, even as he even black leaders called Verster a "voice of reason" for making the charge.
Vorster became prime minister
BUT VORSTER remains the man who rammed through a geographic separation policy that moved blacks and whites to separate, unequal areas of the country. Any attempt to color Vorster as a champion of liberty is doomed to fail.
In the next year, Vorster flew to three black countries to discuss political and economic
ties. His government has, in recent years, given financial help to black regimes in Zambia, Malawi and other black countries. He has helped eliminate some of the humiliations that black living in Africa have had to endure.
Perhaps apartheid can be eliminated in Vorster's time—but it is doubtful that it can be eliminated. As the leader of South Africa, Vorster is, after all, the man who said such incredulous things as, "The white of Africa unites the mentality of the black man."
Perhaps something Vorster said after the riots in Soweto last summer, in which 100 persons were killed and 1,000 injured, best summarizes his attitude. After the riots he was quelled, Vorster assured British officials that "there is definitely no reason to panic. This government will not be intimidated."